« »

19 October 2009

The Justice System of Timor-Leste: An Independent Comprehensive Needs Assessment Part 2


6. Securing and Rehabilitating: Prison Services and Corrections

There are two prisons in Timor-Leste, one in Dili at Becora and the other in Gleno. Together, these facilities currently hold just over 200 prisoners, some being pre-trial detainees and the others serving prison sentences. Although physical conditions in the two prisons largely conform to international human rights standards, the corrections system nonetheless faces significant challenges.

These include a lack of separate facilities for women and young offenders and a failure to separate young offenders who are pre-trial detainees from those who are serving sentences. Moreover, there is a need to improve medical care and facilities within each institution. Similarly, there is no coherent social reinsertion plan for inmates once they have served their sentence. To the extent that prisoners receive some training in vocational skills, they lack appropriate certification or documentation, which should be provided.

There is a significant need to develop the capacity of prison staff, and training in a number of areas is required. At the same time, the staff is without basic resources relating to internal security, such as handcuffs and other basic means of control.

Finally, the two current prisons pose a geographical challenge to families of detainees and prisoners who may wish to visit. Similarly, the transportation of detainees from prison to court in either Oecusse or Suai can present serious difficulties. To the extent that challenges in the penal system can be mitigated by the use of alternative sanctions and other non-custodial measures, a national policy should be developed with a view toward their implementation.

7. Enhancing Coordination within the Justice System

An essential element of a well-functioning justice system is coordination. It is a fundamental need among institutions and actors of the justice system, and in key areas such as prosecutor-police relations, legal aid, anti-corruption efforts and international assistance.

First steps toward better coordination should begin at the leadership level. The Council of Coordination, a consultative body of the Ministry of Justice, should broaden its participation beyond the Minister, the President of the Court of Appeal and the Prosecutor General. The Council can do more to promote the coordination of policy throughout the justice system, although its role is largely to assist the Ministry in the elaboration of Government policy in the justice sector.

There is a continuing need for effective modes of coordination between prosecutors and police. Such efforts are often complicated by issues of translation, in part because of varying levels of fluency in Portuguese, Tetum and English among not only national but international actors as well. Various dispatches and police reports often require translation because, as of yet, the various elements in this sector do not always use a common language.

Legal aid would similarly benefit from greater coordination among the various entities providing such services. There is no official regulation of the quality and standards for private legal aid organizations, which likely provide the majority of such services in the country.

Similarly, at least four State institutions have a role in relation to the investigation of corruption and coordination is vital if this important task is to be accomplished. An effective working arrangement among these institutions needs to be established.

Finally, just as coordination among national actors is important, so too is coordination among international donors. The recent initiative of UNMIT to facilitate meetings at which donors can interact is commendable and should be continued.

8. Protecting Judicial Independence and Respecting the Separation of Powers

Judicial independence is a prerequisite to the rule of law. It is enshrined not only in international law, but also in the Constitution of Timor-Leste. Judicial independence must be observed in two ways. Not only must individual judges perform their judicial functions independent of outside influence or interference, but also the judicial branch as a whole must operate independently of the other, separate branches of government. Both the decisional independence of judges and the institutional independence of the judicial branch must thus be respected.

Judicial independence is not an end unto itself, but is a means to an end, ensuring that judicial decisions are made solely on the basis of the law applied to the facts of a particular case and not on the basis of outside influence or interference. Judicial independence is also grounded in the separation of powers, allowing judges to make decisions even when they run contrary to the preferences of another branch of government.

The current situation in Timor-Leste as it relates to judicial independence is problematic. Although the country’s judges have consistently asserted their independence in the cases that have come before them, the institutional independence of the judiciary is still not fully recognized by other state actors.

This fact has been made evident most recently in the case of Maternus Bere, who is under indictment for crimes against humanity and other serious offenses allegedly committed in Suai in 1999. Bere appeared before a Timorese judge and ordered held in Becora Prison as a pre-trial detainee. Despite the fact that no further judicial proceeding was held and no additional judicial order issued, Bere was released at the direction of a high official in the Timorese government. This disregard for a judicial order and direct interference with the judicial system was a grave violation of judicial independence and the separation of powers.

It is the responsibility of all those who serve in the four organs of sovereignty, including those at the highest levels, to respect judicial independence and the separation of powers. It is imperative that a commitment be made to promote a culture of respect for the rule of law and to avoid those actions that would jeopardize it.

9. Promoting Professional Responsibility

Those who would administer justice in Timor-Leste must be held to the highest personal and professional standards. They must be encouraged to see their work not simply as a job, but as a career in a profession in which they can take pride. Developing a strong sense of commitment to one’s career within a valued profession is an important step in reinforcing professional responsibility. The need to develop a culture of professional responsibility applies to all careers in the justice system. This includes not only judges, prosecutors, public defenders and private lawyers, but also court officials, police officers and prison officials.

An intrinsic part of professional responsibility is professional accountability. The key elements to ensuring accountability are supervision and oversight based on clearly stated standards of conduct. Accordingly, discipline should always be based on principle and not on personality.

In order to secure these values, each of the mentioned professional groups has, or should have, an applicable statute setting out the duties and rights of the members of the particular group involved. Each statute also establishes a Superior Council with responsibilities for the pertinent professional group. It is the function of the Superior Council of each group to support the professional development of those over whom they have responsibility and to ensure proper oversight as well as professional discipline. In each case discussed, steps have been or are being taken to accomplish these goals.

Training and education is also critical to professional development. In this respect, the Legal Training Centre is instrumental in facilitating the career paths of those it serves. Training should not only emphasize the basic requirements for entering the profession, but should maintain standards on a continuing basis. Moreover, ethical training is critical. Not only is it important to act according to ethical standards, but it is equally important to be perceived by the public as acting in an ethical way.

Finally, progress has been made with respect to the issue of adequate compensation for certain actors in the justice system. The amount of compensation for a particular position is widely viewed as a reflection of the value that society places on it. The recent action by parliament enhancing the salaries of judges, prosecutors and public defenders is thus a very positive step.

10. Bringing Justice Closer to the People

Significant progress has been made towards strengthening the formal justice system. In spite of these improvements, efforts to ensure a more consistent presence of all legal actors in every district court must continue. Moreover, the four existing district courts are inadequate in number to serve the entire Timorese public. In an attempt to fill this gap, judges report that they have engaged in mobile justice, trying cases in several towns. These efforts should continue, and other alternatives should be considered. New district courts should also be created.

Presently, a large part of the population faces substantial obstacles in accessing the formal justice system. In addition to physical distance from courts, other obstacles to access to the formal justice system include barriers of awareness, cost, language and culture. Furthermore, in relation to criminal violations, police are not always accessible at the community level.

As a result, the majority of all disputes in the country are resolved through customary law processes and alternative dispute resolution mechanisms. Customary law processes are widely used because of practical and cultural advantages they hold in relation to the formal justice system. There are, however, serious shortcomings with respect to customary means of dispute resolution, including their failure to respect fundamental human rights, especially those of women, and their lack of safeguards against abusive practices or unjust decisions. Even where such processes achieve a resolution, they possess no formal enforcement mechanism, leading to unimplemented decisions and referral to the courts in some cases.

The Ministry of Justice has been conducting a nationwide public consultation in relation to the legal recognition of customary law processes, as envisioned under the Constitution. Any initiative recognizing customary law should harmonize with the formal justice system and not operate as a parallel or separate system of justice.

11. Ensuring Justice for All

Gender

While the Constitution provides for guaranteed access to justice for all citizens of Timor-Leste, certain groups, such as women, experience particular hardship in receiving fair, affordable and timely justice. A great amount of progress has been made toward equalising rights and integrating gender considerations in Timorese legislation. Nevertheless, significant challenges for women continue to exist, including prevalent gender-based violence, lack of legal knowledge and access to courts, increasing human trafficking, and lack of economic resources.

In cases of domestic violence and sexual assault, pressure is put on women to settle such cases with traditional authorities rather than report them to the police. In those cases where police undertake an investigation involving violence against a woman, their training is often lacking. Moreover, the police suffer a number of logistical challenges that impact their ability to investigate such crimes. Similarly, lack of forensic capacity to obtain, store and test physical samples in cases of domestic violence could easily compromise an otherwise promising investigation. Finally, the lack of means to protect victims when they proceed to court is a significant issue.

Although reportedly more cases of gender-based violence were processed in the courts in 2008 as compared to 2004, many of those cases resulted in acquittals. This may be explained, in part, by the fact that some victims choose to remain silent during trial and not supply evidence against their alleged assailant.

One of the positive developments in relation to SGBV cases is the establishment of the national referral network, which includes VPUs, the MoSS and several NGOs, which provide support, assistance, counselling and shelter to victims. These organisations, however, still face a substantial lack of infrastructure, human resources and logistical support.

Children

A large percentage of the population of Timor-Leste is under the age of eighteen and is particularly afflicted by a number of social problems such as poverty, unemployment and illiteracy. Moreover, in the absence of a legal regime directed toward children, they are without protection and their situation is even more precarious as a result.

There is a pressing need to create a legal framework that will deal with children and the issues that are specific to them such as parental responsibilities, adoption, guardianship and child protection. Similarly, priority should be given to legislative proposals dealing with juvenile offenders.

In addition to developing the law, there is a corresponding need to improve the skills of Timorese professionals who will be dealing with children. In this respect, it is important to enhance the skills of those tasked with identifying, reporting and dealing with child abuse. There should also be training of judges and other court actors with respect to any legislation enacted concerning children.

Currently, there is no judicial review of placement of children in alternative care and, overall, there is insufficient protection of the right of children to behead, in accordance with their age and maturity, at any proceeding that may impact their rights. Due consideration should be given to basic principles involving the best interests of children and respect for their views.

Finally, considering the key role played by the Department of Protection and Social Assistance of Vulnerable Children, the government institution charged with the protection of children who are at risk and exposed to abuse, there is a need for greater coordination in matters concerning justice for children between this department, the courts and other related institutions, including the Public Prosecution Service, the police and the Office of the Public Defender.

Land and property disputes

Disagreements over land and property are reported to be the most common category of disputes in Timor-Leste. To the extent that such matters are in fact settled, their resolution is largely accomplished outside the formal justice system as very few such cases are filed in court. There are reported, however, to be a large number of unresolved land contests throughout Timor-Leste. These, in turn, produce a level of tension among neighbours and within communities that can often lead to serious violence.

The issues pertaining to property and land ownership are complex as they have been subject to several different legal regimes over the last twenty-five years. It is extremely difficult to evaluate claims to a piece of land based on competing rights asserted under Portuguese law, Indonesian law, or simply the actual occupation of the land in question. Moreover, on the practical level, many records identifying property ownership were burned as a result of violence occurring in both 1999 and 2006. Similarly, turmoil in the past caused social dislocation and people were often forced to flee their property, which was then occupied by others. One additional complicating factor is that although the right of women to own land is recognized by law, such ownership rights have not always been traditionally recognized.

With donor assistance, a project is currently underway to address several land issues, ranging from law to registration. A draft law on land ownership has been discussed in a series of public consultations hosted by the Ministry of Justice. The preparation of this law should continue to be a top priority, and once it is adopted, judges and other legal actors as well as all those offering mediation services should be trained on land issues, including the new legislation.

12. Preparing the Next Generation

Preparing the next generation of legal professionals requires a multi-faceted approach involving educators, judges, prosecutors, public defenders, and lawyers as well as public and private support. The establishment of a legal studies programme at the National University of Timor-Leste (UNTL), the only accredited university in Timor-Leste with such a programme, has been a critical first step. A strategy is lacking, however, in relation to the broader educational effort required to supply the human resources of the justice system in the coming years. Moreover, no assessment of the long term human resource needs of the justice system has yet been undertaken.

Several other critical issues also remain unresolved. The two primary private universities that offer university-level degrees in law, the University of Dili and University of Peace, continue to lack government accreditation. Tetum could be a more accessible language for all students of law, but insufficient attention has been devoted to its development for legal purposes. No significant work has yet been done in relation to building a Timorese culture of legal scholarship in either Tetum or Portuguese. A self-sustaining domestic pool of professors and other instructors has yet to be developed. Women remain underrepresented among the professionals in the system, and an increase in the quality and size of the overall pool of potential law students is needed.



13. Speaking the Language of Justice

A subtext running throughout the report is that of language. As provided in the Constitution of Timor-Leste, Tetum and Portuguese are the country’s official languages. The latter has played a dominant role in the justice system, reflecting the extensive involvement of international staff from the Portuguese-speaking world. The corresponding influence of that language on legal drafting, training at the Legal Training Centre and the conduct of court proceedings have all made fluency in Portuguese a key element in the advancement of legal actors in the justice system. To that end, the Portuguese language capacity of many actors in the justice system has increased significantly over a relatively short time. Nonetheless, these gains have not eliminated the fact that language remains a challenge for most participants in the justice process, ranging from judges to litigants.

Consequently, two approaches are needed. One is to reinforce the educational campaign undertaken to date in relation to Portuguese language skills for both children and adults in order to begin to transform Timor-Leste into a more genuinely bilingual society. To that end, Portuguese language study should continue and be strengthened at the university level. Current initiatives at the level of primary and secondary education should also continue and be strengthened. The other approach, which is not inconsistent with the first, is to develop a “legal Tetum” sufficient to be utilized in relation to all aspects of the overall justice system. This will require an intensive and coordinated programme involving scholars, legal actors, linguists and translators.

14. Confronting Impunity and Requiring Accountability

The judicial system of Timor-Leste, as currently constituted, is not actively engaged in the process of addressing the crimes of the past or holding accountable those who committed them. There is no question, however, that Article 160 of the Constitution contemplates prosecution for offenses occurring between 1974 and 1999 in either the national court system or before an international court. Similarly, Article 163.1 provides for a hybrid special panel of national and international judges with jurisdiction over serious crimes committed between 1 January and 25 October 1999. The preamble of the Decree-Law promulgating the Code of Criminal Procedure also acknowledges the existence of such panels and Article 3 of the Decree-Law confirms that the legal framework for the operation of the Special Panels remains in place, although they are not currently functioning.

Regardless of whether an international tribunal were to come into being as recommended by the Commission of Experts, there are still numerous domestic indictments and arrest warrants pending against hundreds of defendants charged with crimes against humanity and other serious offenses committed during 1999. To the extent that the leadership of Timor-Leste chooses not to support a domestic judicial process to ensure that those responsible for past serious crimes are held accountable, it should nonetheless be made clear by both the UN and other donors that, if requested, they are prepared to provide the necessary resources to support such a process.

In any event, in light of the possible return to Timor-Leste of defendants who are already under indictment, such as Maternus Bere, national judges, prosecutors and defence lawyers should be provided appropriate training through the Legal Training Centre to handle such cases.

The Serious Crimes Investigation Team should continue to function and be appropriately supported and resourced until it has concluded all investigations and has provided to the Office of the Prosecutor General all materials and documentation necessary to permit those cases to be prosecuted in the future. Moreover, proper facilities should be arranged so that forensic and other evidence required by the SCIT can not only be stored, but also properly conserved, considering the challenges presented by the local climate. Finally, the SCIT should also be supported to help develop the domestic capacity to prosecute those serious crimes investigated by the unit, whether they amount to violations of domestic or international law.

15. Conclusion

As noted throughout this report, a significant amount of progress has been made in developing the overall justice system of Timor-Leste. Although a number of challenges and needs continue to exist, the Timorese with whom the team interacted demonstrated a high degree of dedication and commitment. Although there is no question that they foresee the need for continued advice and assistance from the international community, they are motivated by a vision of a justice system run by the Timorese for the Timorese. This is a goal worth striving for and is a cause that deserves the continued support of the international community.

Part 1

Image added by ETLJB

The Justice System of Timor-Leste: An Independent Comprehensive Needs Assessment Part 1

Dili, Timor-Leste 13 October 2009 This report was commissioned by the UN and conducted by an independent team led by Phillip Rapoza (United States) and including Helena Bolieiro (Portugal), Roza Salibekova (Kazakhstan) and John Stompor (United States). La’o Hamutuk is circulating the Executive Summary only; the complete report should be available shortly.

Executive Summary

1. An Overview
Progress has been made, especially over the last several years, within the justice system of Timor-Leste. Both the Timorese and those who have assisted them are to be commended for the significant steps that have been taken to date to see that the rule of law is made a reality in Asia’s newest nation. Nonetheless, many challenges remain and it is the purpose of this report to assess the needs that continue to exist.
2. Completing the Legal Framework

As set forth in its Constitution, Timor-Leste is a democratic state based on the rule of law, the will of the people and respect for the dignity of the human person. Other than the Constitution, the sources of law in Timor-Leste are legislation enacted by Parliament and decree laws and other legal acts issued by the Government. In addition to domestic law, the Constitution also recognizes international law and provides that the country’s legal system shall adopt the general or customary principles of international law as well as those rules provided for in conventions, treaties and agreements that apply in Timor-Leste.

Several noteworthy accomplishments have been achieved in the process of completing the country’s legal framework. These include the adoption of the Penal Code, the Criminal Procedure Code, the Law on the Protection of Witnesses, the Civil Procedure Code and several others. Also underway are the Civil Code and a law addressing domestic violence.

There remain a number of areas in which additional progress must be achieved, including the development of a Children’s Code and a law concerning young offenders. Similarly, both a Commercial Code and a Labour Code should be developed to completion.

The process of legislative drafting implicates a number of considerations, including the need for translation of all existing and proposed laws into both Portuguese and Tetum. Another issue is the need to avoid wholesale adoption of foreign statutory models as not always being consistent with Timorese reality. Moreover, laws must be harmonized with the resources available to implement them.

Finally, there is a need to enhance the training of national staff in legislative drafting skills, anticipating that point in time when the drafting of legislation will largely be their own responsibility. In this regard, an initiative should be launched to develop a standard “legal Tetum” either by appropriate translation or adaptation of terminology.

3. Strengthening the Judiciary: Courts and Judges

The judicial structure of Timor-Leste is largely the same as that instituted by UNTAET and consists of a Court of Appeal and four District Courts. There are currently thirteen national judges serving in the judiciary, with a number of international judges also providing line functions.

There is a need for more judges rendering justice in more places in Timor-Leste. Thirteen judges, regardless of their merit and their commitment, simply cannot meet the justice needs of over a million people spread out across the country, often in remote areas. As progress continues at the Legal Training Centre additional judges will be brought on line, although the continued use of international judges will be necessary for a number of years. Thereafter, all line functions should be performed exclusively by Timorese judges, although continued access to international judges serving as advisors and trainers will be of assistance.

Consideration should be given to building on current efforts by the judiciary to use “mobile justice” as a means for bringing formal justice to areas of the country underserved by judicial institutions. At the same time, consideration should be given in the longer term to the establishment of additional district courts, mindful of the need to develop sufficient human resources to provide adequate judicial, administrative and clerical staffing. Moreover, there must be a parallel availability of prosecutors and public defenders in proximity to any new courts. Any future development in this regard must thus be approached in a balanced and coordinated manner.

The development of a uniform, reliable case tracking system should be a priority, not only for the purposes of transparency, but to develop efficiencies in case management. One can successfully manage only what one measures and case tracking is essential to that process. Case tracking systems attempted to date with international assistance have been well motivated but largely unsuccessful.

The Legal Training Centre is critical to the strengthening of the judiciary. In addition to training judges, prosecutors and public defenders, its role has expanded to include other justice system professionals as well. Consequently, the LTC plays an important and expending role in the development of the justice system. The training made available for judges and others should be of a continuing nature, and not simply to qualify for entry into a particular profession. Continuing education is essential to maintaining a high level of professionalism over time.

4. Supporting Law Enforcement: Prosecutors and Police

Prosecutors

In Timor-Leste, public prosecutors and police are the two primary branches of the law enforcement authority of the State. Consequently, the Public Prosecution Service in the Office of the Prosecutor-General and the National Police of Timor-Leste (PNTL) play major roles within the justice system.

The Public Prosecution Service remains an undersized institution with a total of fourteen public prosecutors. Nonetheless, district offices have been established in proximity to each of the district courts, providing an appropriate base of operations with each judicial district. Challenges remain, however, in the number of cases under investigation, requiring greater coordination between prosecutors and the PNTL. Moreover, there is a significant need for a functioning case tracking system in order to manage the large inventory of cases still pending at the investigative stage.

Police

A number of challenges face the national police, who continue to collaborate with their international counterparts in UNPOL. The needs of the police include gaps in logistics, skills and training, as well as organization and management. Essential equipment and other support is lacking in the domain of communications and transportation. Moreover, specialized skills need to be developed in areas such as forensics, sexual assault, domestic violence as well as others. Overall, there is a demand for trained investigators and such a capacity should be developed and implemented. Finally, training is also required concerning both the Penal Code and the Criminal Procedure Code. International police have struggled with language issues and the balance between performance of line functions and mentoring.

5. Providing Equality of Arms: Public Defenders and Private Lawyers

Public Defenders

The Office of the Public Defender (OPD) plays a key role in providing legal assistance and representation in Timor-Leste. The focus of that mission is challenged, however, by the fact that public defenders accept clients regardless of their financial need. In sum, a legal service intended for those who are indigent and without means is also made available to those who are able to pay for their legal representation. Another concern is the persistent suggestion that public defenders accept direct payment from private clients for legal services. Public defenders are paid salaries to serve the public. To receive payments from individual clients runs contrary to that purpose.

Although it is widely considered that the OPD includes some of the better attorneys in Timor-Leste, the geographical reach of their services is limited and should be expanded. Steps should be taken to ensure that those without means have access to legal representation throughout the national territory.

Private Lawyers

Private lawyers provide the majority of legal services across the country and serve a diverse range of clients. One of their unique contributions is to offer the possibility for legal representation that is independent of the government. Because they are not state actors, they can also provide a check on the potential excesses of institutional actors.

Despite the importance of private lawyers, the development of the private legal profession has received comparatively little attention. Consequently, there is an urgent need to establish the basic elements of the private legal profession, including an independent, professional bar association. The transitional body for the regulation of private lawyers is not yet fully functional. Nonetheless, a 24-month training programme at the Legal Training Centre is under consideration, although the lack of strong Portuguese language skills among private lawyers will need to be overcome.

Despite many practical challenges, private lawyers currently provide most of the formal legal services in the country. Moreover, a significant number provide services through legal aid programmes. The private lawyers of Timor-Leste will be a significant national asset over the coming years. Part 2

Image added by ETLJB

Media Release: FRETILIN confident of safety of Timorese in Indonesia

FRENTE REVOLUCIONARIA DO TIMOR-LESTE INDEPENDENTE FRETILIN Media Release Dili, 19 October 2009 FRETILIN confident of safety of Timorese in Indonesia

The Indonesian Government, through its Dili Embassy, today “strongly rejected” Dili newspaper reports of a planned campaign of checkpoints and searches of sons and daughters of FRETILIN leaders and members, and of the closure of the border. “This is welcomed by FRETILIN”, said
its parliamentary spokesperson, Jose Teixeira MP in Dili today.

“FRETILIN continues to have confidence in the Indonesian government authorities to uphold their law, which guarantees the safety of every person in Indonesia and to maintain lawful order, as the largest democratic nation in South East Asia.

“We condemn the tendency of some of our own politicians to exploit the vulnerability of our Timorese brothers and sisters living and studying in Indonesia, by involving them in our own internal sovereign matters. This is happening now with the case of the illegal release of an
accused prisoner by this AMP de facto government. We call on these political opportunists to cease this type of rumor peddling causing unnecessary alarm. The modern, democratic, law-abiding Indonesian government understands the legal issues that are at stake,” said Mr
Teixeira.

Francisco Soares Pereira, a Timorese living in Indonesia, is reported to have told Suara Timor Lorosae by telephone last Friday: “We will undertake sweeps (checkpoints) of cars belonging to Timorese who travel in and out of Indonesia. This action will be taken especially against the sons and daughters of FRETILIN leaders including FRETILIN cadres who live near the border.”

However, today the Dili daily Timor Post reported that the First Secretary for Political Affairs with the Indonesian Embassy in Dili, Victor Josef Sambuaga, “strongly rejected information that Indonesian citizens, especially Timorese living in Atambua and Kupang, had closed the border between the two countries, and that they had set up checkpoints for sweeps of Timor-Leste citizens living in Atambua.”

(Timor Post, Monday October 19, 2009)

Sambuaga added that public demonstrations or actions such as this should comply with the law and have the authorization of the police. He explained, “We have met directly with the authorities responsible for this matter in Atambua and until now there are no indications that
these type of activities such as checkpoints and sweeps as have been reported, so because of this we can say they are merely rumors.”

Sambuaga assured all concerned that the Indonesian security forces are giving serious attention to important locations such as the border crossings in places like Mota Ain.

“We have every confidence in the Indonesian authorities to do the right thing. The statements by Mr Sambuaga reassures us greatly,” Mr Teixeira said.

For further information, please contact Jose Teixeira MP on +670 728 7080

18 October 2009

AMP Government praises Sucos elections and condemns FRETILIN for interfering

REPUBLICA DEMOCRATICA DE TIMOR-LESTE
IV CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT

MEDIA RELEASE

Dili, October 15, 2009

Statement By The Spokesperson of the IV Constitutional Government, The Secretary of State for the Council of Ministers

AMP Government praises Sucos elections and condemns FRETILIN for interfering

The AMP Government led by His Excellency Xanana Gusmao praised the nation for its political maturity in the local Sucos elections. From the 13 districts of Timor-Leste there are 442 sucos.

The elections represented the overall mood of the country which was peaceful, reflecting the current level of stability in Timor-Leste.

The electoral laws for the Sucos elections, unlike the presidential and legislative elections, forbid candidates from representing any political parties. Candidates must be independent and voters are encouraged to vote for the best leader to address the needs of their community.

On October 13, Fretilin made a statement which announced "the results of last Saturday's community leaders' election, where FRETILIN representatives picked up 56% of positions with another 10% of positions being taken by FRETILIN and allied party shared tickets. In Dili FRETILIN won 60% of the Suco leadership positions."

The Spokesperson of the IV Constitutional Government and The Secretary of State for the Council of Ministers, Agio Pereira said “Fretilin’s statement to the media on October 13, reflected a party that had a grave misunderstanding of the laws.’

‘This statement reflects interference in an electoral process that was conducted in the spirit of independence and the paramount importance of respect for this independent process within the Sucos election which was created to benefit our communities.”

‘We applaud all those elected across the nation for acting with integrity and dignity in these elections. The IV Constitutional Government sends each and every elected official its best for a successful term and congratulates all the voters who took part in this historical national event.”

ENDSFor More Information Contact: Agio Pereira +670 723 0011; E-mail: agiopereira@cdm.gov.tl

17 October 2009

Timor-Leste State Budget Documents Online at Lao Hamutuk

Lao Hamutuk 16 October 2009 On 15 September, the Vice Minister of Finance delivered the draft Timor-Leste General State Budget for 2010 to the President of Parliament. It will be debated in Commission C for the next few weeks, and then in the Parliamentary plenary.

La'o Hamutuk has posted all three volumes of the budget documents (850 pages), in both English and Portuguese, to our website at
http://www.laohamutuk.org/econ/OGE10/09OJE2010.htm.

We will provide summaries, analysis and commentary during the next few days.

Total expenditure by the State of Timor-Leste in 2010 is estimated to be $637 million, reflecting a decrease of $44 million (6.9%) from the total appropriations for 2009.

Actual expenditures during 2009 are likely to be significantly less, since the heavy oil power generation and national electric grid project has run into problems. That project is allocated $50 million in the 2010 budget, less than one-third of the $160 million that the 2009 State Budget expected to spend on it during 2010. The 2010 budget does not project any money for this project in future years, and it is scarcely mentioned in the text.

The budget estimates the sustainable income (ESI) from the Petroleum Fund for 2010 at $502 million (an increase of $94 million since last year) and proposes to spend all of it, but does not ask to go above ESI. It also anticipates that during 2009, actual government expenditures will not exceed the ESI of $408 million.

This budget does not propose to borrow money during 2010, but includes a discussion of options for borrowing in the future.

website: http://www.laohamutuk.org skype: cscheiner

Meternus Bere and National Interest

By Antonio Ramos Naikoli Editor of Forum Haksesuk Mari Alkatiri, participated in two successive transitional administrations under UNTAET. He never publicly advocated an international tribunal to judgecrimes committed in 1999, including the massacre at the Suai Church. The pragmatism of Mari Alkatiri, because of his lust for power, consists ofthe following: fight for power and economic monopoly.

Since the time ofUNTAET until the Constitutional Government, Mari Alkatiri assumed important portfolios, how to control the power and economy through areas related tooil. In terms of power, Mari Alkatiri had an absolute majority in parliament, had total leverage to promote the creation of an international tribunal. He hadall the executive power to move forward with programs for the training of national legal systems. After all, many cases are pending in court and the Public Ministry, which they identified as a cause of lack of sufficient and competent human resources.

Read the full story on Forum Haksesuk


Image added by ETLJB - A monument to the East Timorese independence struggle.


East Timor Legal Information Site - Archive of legal news, UNPol security reports, parliamentary proceedings, council of minister meeting minutes and elections.

Police power transfer in East Timor under question

The PNTL General Loves His Long Arms. - The United Nations Mission in Timor-Leste likes to tell everyone how great their "police project" is in Timor - and the handover is underway. In private the UN, but not UNPOL, admit that it is a total mess.

The Centre for International Cooperation in New York asserts it is a dud.

Handing over what, and to whom?

Several days ago, TVTL carried footage of PNTL training in Atabae, Bobonaro. The training consisted of 150-200 PNTL (Battlhao Ordre Publiku), formerly UIR and URP officers. The training was lead by Jendral Longuinos (earlier noted on this blog here, here and here).

Full post on The Dili Insider


East Timor Law Journal - Towards the rule of law in Timor-Leste.

Bere case - PM's spokesperson caught out on spin


FRETILIN

MEDIA RELEASE

Dili, 15 October 2009

Bere case - PM's spokesperson caught out on spin


FRETILIN General Secretary and former Prime Minister, Dr Mari Alkatiri said today the official spokesperson for Timor-Leste's de facto Prime Minister mislead the public by trying to implicate Dr Alkatiri in the unlawful and unconstitutional release of the indicted militia leader Maternus Bere.

Bere is wanted for crimes against humanity committed at Suai in September 1999, but was released from prison on August 30 this year on the order of PM Gusmao.

The PM's spokesperson, Agio Pereira, in a media release on October 12 asserted that "the consultative process in the Bere case included all the major office holders of the State" including Dr Alkatiri as "the leader of the main opposition party."

Dr Alkatiri said: "This lie has also been touted by some of Mr Pereira's government colleagues, as well as allied MPs. Let me make it clear, I was never directly or indirectly consulted about the decision to release Bere, prior to or during his release."

"In fact, it was not until the 3rd of September 2009, that I was informed of the release of Bere. This was during a meeting with the President, also attended by the de facto PM and the President of the Parliament, Fernando Araujo Lasama. I was invited to that meeting on a totally different matter - their proposal for me to travel to Guinea-Bissau to attend the swearing in of their President-elect, which I declined. It is very dishonest for Mr Pereira to imply otherwise, as he did in his media release. Mr. Gusmao himself confirmed this chronology in parliament.

"Nor could I have expressed a view, even on the 3rd of September, or before, that could have been regarded as binding or authoritative in any sense, given that I am currently not even sitting in parliament, having been substituted for an indefinite period of time.

"It is remarkable that although Mr Pereira states that 'all the major office holders of the State' were allegedly 'consulted' on the Bere case, he does not mention the national parliament, the only constitutional body mandated as the representative of the people.

"FRETILIN as the largest party in parliament, has a leader, Mr Aniceto Guterres, but he was never consulted on this decision," said Dr Alkatiri. "If nothing else it shows the contempt with which the parliament was treated in this so-called 'consultative process'".

A motion by FRETILIN and KOTA to censure the government over the Bere case was defeated in parliament last Monday October 12. Spokesperson Pereira's media release that day also said that: "Gusmão described the public censure as 'political opportunism'."

Dr. Alkatiri said today that he did not once hear Mr. Gusmao describe this constitutional and legitimate censure motion as 'political opportunism' during the parliamentary debate. "Had he said that, it would have been vehemently denied and condemned, because the censure motion was motivated by a legitimate concern for re-establishing respect for the constitution, the rule of law and the role of the national parliament. It was in defence of the principle of the constitutional separation of powers and independence of the judiciary, and administration of justice. Many in our civil society encouraged us to bring this censure motion. It is demeaning to all who oppose the release of Bere for good reasons to refer to it as politically opportunism.

"Mr Pereira is the only person so far to have described it as such. Even his own political ally, the vice president of the national parliament, Mr Vicente Guterres, is on the record as agreeing that it was the constitutional right of the opposition to move to censure the government. The leader of the Democratic Party, another of Mr Pereira's allies in the parliament, MP Adriano Nascimento, stated during the debate that despite voting against the motion he respected FRETILIN and others' right to bring it, as did others.

"FRETILIN's censure motion, the first in our constitutional history, was a victory for peaceful democratic and constitutional processes to resolve our national differences. Had the forces allied to Mr Gusmao not used subversive and illegal methods to cause the 2006 crisis to resolve the alleged 'discrimination against army petitioners' and instead explored a censure motion, democracy would have been the winner.

"Had they not been intent on using violence to trigger a crisis and bring about a coup d'etat against our government, had they restricted themselves to using the law, the constitution and the parliament to censure the government, to try to win over public opinion, then we would have had the relative stability and peace we have now. Peace and stability exists in Timor-Leste because this opposition will not do to this de facto government what the then disparate opposition did in 2006 to force undemocratic and violent change," Dr Alkatiri said.

For further information, please contact Advisor to the Office former PM Alkatiri, FILOMENO ALEIXO ON: +670 734 0383

Border Dispute, Oekusi Enclave - 60,000 Timorese Inside Indonesia


Thursday, 15 October 2009 Internet Exclusive: Border Dispute, Oekusi Enclave - 60,000 Timorese Inside Indonesia - On 15th October 2009 Tempo Semanal sources within the Government of Timor-Leste revealed that on 12 October 2009 4 TNI officers and 4 paramilitary personnel in addition to one civilian entered the Cruz area of the southern most Passabe sub-District in the isolated Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste enclave Oekusi.

When the central government of Timor-Leste only heard about the problem 3 days after it had happened it held an emergency meeting on 15 October 2009. The acting Prime Minister (Vice Prime Minister Jose "Lugu" Guterres, Acting Secretary of State for Security (Secretary of State for Defence, Julio Tomas Pinto), Secretary of State for the Special Region of Oekusi, Jorge Teme, and the Secretary of State for the Council of Minister, Agio Pereira participated in the crisis meeting.

The 4 TNI were carrying M`16 semi-automatic assault rifles and the paramilitaries were unarmed, and the civilian (suspected to be former 1999 era pro-autonomy Sakunar Militia). They were carrying the Indonesian Mera Putih (Red and White) national flag. Full original text.

Image from Tempo Semanal: UN CONFIDENTIAL MAP (2005) of the disputed area, obtained by Tempo Semanal

An International Tribunal for East Timor?

The La'o Hamutuk Bulletin Vol 2 No 6 & 7 October 2001 (Pt 1) By Jon Cina During the recent campaign for the election of the Constituent Assembly, there were renewed appeals for the United Nations to establish an international criminal tribunal to investigate and try perpetrators of crimes committed during the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. Such calls reflect acute and widespread disillusionment with efforts to date by UNTAET and Indonesia to bring the guilty to justice. As a result, momentum is building within various sectors of East Timorese civil society to ensure the establishment of such an institution.

Although these demands are not new, there has been little discussion of whether and how an international criminal court could actually advance the cause of justice in East Timor. This article therefore examines some of the arguments for and against such a tribunal. Full original text.

Advocating for an international criminal tribunal for crimes against humanity in Timor-Leste.



East Timor needs justice before reconciliation


Michael Mullins August 31, 2009 'East Timor' by Chris JohnstonWe go to great lengths to commemorate the bloody conflicts that occur frequently in our history. For good reason. Remembering the violence that followed East Timor's independence vote ten years ago could indeed be the key to the country's stable future. If accompanied by the delivery of justice for crimes committed, it could lead young East Timorese to use peaceful means — rather than violence — to settle differences.

East Timor's leaders have tended to fix their minds on economic and social development, without firm acceptance that effective progress is only likely to occur in a climate in which justice has been delivered for past crimes.
Full original text.

Civil Society and Security Sector Transformation in Timor-Leste

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE English Fundasaun Mahein "FM" (Dili, Timor-Leste), supported by the International Security Sector Advisory Team "ISSAT" (Geneva, Switzerland), will host a training workshop for Civil Society on Security Sector Transformation between 13-15 October 2009. Approximately 16 national NGOs and other organisations will attend.

FM's mission is to assist in increasing the legitimacy and capacity of the Timorese security sector through citizen participation in the development of relevant legislation, policies and procedures. FM's activities include monitoring, research and advocacy regarding the security sector.

The workshop is funded by the Governments of Ireland and Norway. FM is expected to receive a sizeable contribution to conduct activities for two years from the Australian Government, AusAID, in one month.

For more information email direktor.mahein[at]gmail.com. www.fundasaunmahein.wordpress.com)

Suara Timor Lorosae reports threats against FRETILIN leaders and their families by pro-autonomy miltias


TRANSLATION FROM TETUM: Suara Timor Lorosae, Dili 17 October 2009 INDONESIANS “THREATEN” TO CLOSE BORDER PR Horta, Jose Luis, Minister for Justice Lucia Meet Urgently Dili – Timor-Leste born Indonesian citizens living in Atambua-Kupang-Indonesia, have threatened to set up checkpoints or sweeps vehicles with Timor-Leste white registration number plates because of the detention of the former Laksaur Militia Commander, Maternus Bere who is still detained at the Indonesian Embassy in Dili.

“We will undertake sweeps (checkpoints) of cars belonging to Timorese who travel in and out of Indonesia. This action will be taken especially against the sons and daughters of FRETILIN leaders including FRETILIN cadres who live near the border,” Francisco Soares Pereira told STL by telephone Friday (15/10).

The former refugees decided this because they consider that some FRETILIN leaders in Timor do not want to engage in reconciliation with the Timorese militia in Indonesia as it relates to the Maternus Bere case, which has not been resolved in Timor-Leste and becoming a controversy between FRETILIN leaders and the AMP government led by Prime Minister Kay Rala Banana Gusmao.

There has been a strong reaction from FRETILIN’s leaders and other opposition leaders such as KOTA and PUN to the government’s decision to transfer Maternus Bere from the Becora Prison to the Indonesian embassy in Dili. Their reaction resulted in a censure motion being presented but which failed to bring down the AMP government because the majority in the National Parliament gave the AMP government their vote of confidence for them to continue to govern until 2012.

The Timorese refugee leader also threatened to close, next week, as a protest against the FRETILIN leaders who want to try Maternus Bere. “Right now we are organizing a group in Atambua made up of nearly 24,000 people who will take action to close the border in Atambua and Kefamenanu to Oecusse and put in place check points to search the sons and daughters of FRETILIN leaders studying in Indonesia,” Francisco reinforced.

Francisco said that the central government in Jakarta, Kupang and Atambua have been informed of this proposed action so that they could grant them the license or the permission to undertake this action.

He stressed that this decision take by them was as a result of FRETILIN party leaders in Timor-Leste failing to give their support for the policy by the government of Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao to release Maternus Bere as an act of reconciliation pursuant to the agreement
foreshadowed in the Truth and Friendship Commission in Timor-Leste.

“This action by us is because the FRETILIN party is not giving its support to Prime Minister Banana Gusmao who wants to engage in reconciliation with Timorese in Atambua.

PR Horta holds urgent meeting

In the mean time in relation to this threat by Indonesian citizens in Atambua, President of the Republic Jose Ramos Horta, Acting Prime Minister Jose Luis Guterres and Justice Minister Lucia Maria Lobato, held an urgent meeting at the Presidential Palace in Aitarak Laran to
try and find a solution to this problem.

This meeting was considered to be urgent and closed to the public, and because of this we can’t give a detailed report on this issue.

According to information ascertained by this daily from Kupang, the movement of public transport between Timor-Leste and Kupang, including travel is occurring as normal despite the threat from Indonesian citizens in Kupang.

“Right now public transport including bus travel is still occurring as normal, despite their being information that Timorese refugees intend to close the border because of the Maternus Bere case,” said a source who did not want to be named.

According to him the T-L consultant in Kupang has also been subject to serious threats from Indonesian citizens although there have been no physical incidents.

President Horta Cleans Up Vendors' Shacks: Killing the Peoples' Income

Suara Timor Lorosae 17 October 2009 Dili - President of the Republic Jose Ramos Horta, descended with the police task force last Friday (16/10) to tear down or clean up directly the community of suco Metiaut’s small shacks that had been erected on the beachfront.

The Nobel Peace Laureate decided to go and tear down small vendors’ shacks giving the reason that it was to conserve the environment in that area. Because of the large presence of small shacks trading there, the environment on the beachfront is certainly affected, these were cleaned up through the government’s general clean program. The activity of these small vendors is said to damage the environment with the discarding of rubbish on the beachfront.

The population who became the victims of this clean up consider the President of the Republic’s brutal tendencies to effectively be killing their income earning activities, because the small shacks they erected in order to earn a living through grilling of stays and fish.

“Today the President of the Republic himself ordered that these shacks be torn down without informing us the owners, the PR himself personally pushed our shacks down to the ground,” said Celestino Gama to journalists.

He considered this conduct of PR Horta in directly tearing down the shacks as the actions of a dictator, because these actions did not consider the community. “ I consider this conduct as being a dictatorship and not a democracy. At least inform us so that we have the chance to take them down, because we bought the materials to build them, we did not get them for free at the shops,” Celestino said.

As a law abiding citizen, Celestino says he respected the decision of the President to tear down the shacks, but they should have given prior notice and not just descend abruptly using physical force. “What sort of attitude is this?” he added.

This was the same with Domingos da Silva, (vendor) who asked the government to move on the large restaurants in the Metiaut area who also discard rubbish onto the beachfront. “We are saddened because the PR only saw fit to come and tear down our shacks, but not the large restaurants on the beachfront,” he said.

PR KILLS THE PEOPLES’ LIVELIHOODS

At the same location, the Head of the Suco Metiaut, Jacob Xavier lamented the actions of PR Horta in descending personally with the police to tear down the peoples’ shacks. PR Horta’s actions can have the effect of killing the small people who earn a livelihood by trading or grilling satays.

“I see PR Horta’s decision as being like he had a dream, because all of a sudden he decided to come and kill off the small peoples’ livelihoods, “ he lamented.

He asked the state to assist the small peoples’ livelihoods. When you dream up the idea to close off the peoples’ livelihoods in one area they should also look for alternatives, not just tear down and destroy. “This is just killing the people,” he stressed.

He said it is the community of Metiaut which cleans up the rubbish on the beachfront, despite the rubbish not being only theirs. “Just don’t blame us,” Jacob said.

Domingos da Costa Xavier asked the government to first prepare an alternative place for the community before taking the actions to tear down. “If they only tear down like this, where will the small people find livelihoods?” he asked.

STL observed that after PR Horta tore down their shacks, the population removed their timber and tin materials to their homes. (ends)

East Timor opposition claims success in village polls

East Timor opposition claims success in village polls Source: Agence France-Presse (AFP) Date: 16 Oct 2009 DILI, Oct 16, 2009 (AFP) - East Timor's opposition Fretilin party said there had been a "huge swing" against the government in recent village or 'suco' elections, even though candidates were supposed to be independent.

"The suco elections, our community leaders elections, held across the country last Friday show that the (ruling coalition) parties' votes have crashed," Fretilin lawmaker Arsenio Bano said in a statement.

Fretilin says 66 percent of the newly elected local councils are aligned with the party or its allies, despite village-level candidates being barred from running as representatives of political parties.

Official results from the vote do not record candidates' party affiliations, so it is impossible to verify the opposition's figures.

The claims cap off a tense week in East Timorese politics after Fretilin pushed a no-confidence motion against the government in parliament over the release from custody of an indicted Indonesian former militia leader.

The coalition led by Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao survived the attack, but the debate was rowdy and government spokesman Agio Pereira slammed Fretilin for attempting to "create instability".

Fretilin Secretary-General Mari Alkatiri said the village election results were reason enough for the government to call early elections, amid concerns about stability in the tiny half-island nation.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon warned Monday that underlying community-level tensions remain in East Timor seven years after it gained formal independence from Indonesia, leaving the door open for conflict.

"More time is required to ensure that the various efforts aimed at tackling the many political, institutional and socio-economic challenges facing the young nation ... are allowed to take root in democratic institutions and processes," he said in a report on the UN mission in East Timor.

President Jose Ramos-Horta has cited the peaceful village elections as a sign of stability and "political maturity".

str-smc/pb

16 October 2009

Fretilin Leader calls for resignation of Government following local election results

(Translation from Portuguese) MSO - Lusa - 15 Outubro 2009 Dili - The secretary general of Fretilin, Mari Alkatiri today told Lusa that, given the results of local elections, unless there are substantial changes from the recount, the government should resign and be early parliamentary elections should be held.

According to Mari Alkatiri, "if there are no substantial changes to the results (in the elections for the sucos, which were held on 09 October), FRETILIN has 55 percent of the votes on our own and together with our allies from other parties we have more than 70 percent of the votes."

Some parties had candidates for heads of sucos [a cluster of villages], but at the level of village leaders and other candidates, "many are members of FRETILIN," according to the leader of the largest political opposition force.

Although the elections for the sucos not officially having candidatures from parties, Mari Alkatiri said that the current government has no legitimacy and should resign.

"Given these results, if they are capable of feeling the slightest of shame, they would resign. If this government falls, what the President has to do is to call on the formation of a new government comprising of the same alliance, or call early elections. New alliances and arrangements, with the Fretilin no!", he said.

Fretilin won the 2007 legislative elections, but without having control of the Parliament, leading President Ramos-Horta to appoint a parliamentary majority coalition led by Xanana Gusmão's CNRT.

To Alkatiri, this executive, which he calls the "de facto Government”, has no legitimacy.

"What we want are early elections. If we are to govern we want to govern for five years, especially since in these two years and some months they (the current government team) have only destroying, ruining the institutions and doing everything over their knees," he said.

For the FRETILIN leader, not even the success claimed by the government that it has virtually ended the camps of displaced persons can be acknowledged, because it was an objective of the whole of society.

"It can be clearly seen that there was no attempt on our part to politically exploit the issue of the return of the displaced persons. It was a success for everyone because everyone wanted the problem to be resolved," he said.

Mari Alkatiri promises to continue to be an opposition, "awaiting the municipal elections, that Fretilin will also win."

"We do not want to do what they did in 2006: take to the streets to burn houses, kill people, a real coup under the pretence of constitutionalism," he said, alluding to the crisis three years ago that led to the resignation of Alkatiri as prime Minister, when Xanana Gusmão was President.

"We will do everything to avoid violence, but also we will do everything to explain to the people that the government of Xanana is useless," he added

FRETILIN ready for government - Gusmao’s spokesperson get’s it wrong again

FRENTE REVOLUCIONARIA DO TIMOR-LESTE INDEPENDENTE FRETILIN MEDIA RELEASE Dili, 16 October 2009 FRETILIN ready for government - Gusmao’s spokesperson get’s it wrong again

De facto Prime Minister Gusmao may have won the battle in parliament over his notorious release of militia leader Maternus Bere, but he lost the war with the public who followed the spectacle on TV and radio. The government coalition AMP also lost heavily in local elections on October 9. “That’s the best explanation for the new lows in the PM’s media attacks on FRETILIN this week,” said FRETILIN Vice President and MP Arsenio Bano.

A new media release by the PM’s spokesperson shamelessly misquoted and misrepresented statements by Dr Alkatiri, reported in the Dili daily Suara Timor Lorosae on 13 October 2009.

“Where the story reported FRETILIN General Secretary Dr Alkatiri calling for early national elections, the PM’s media release claimed that he said FRETILIN was not ready to govern,” said Mr Bano.

“Dr Alkatiri is arguing that there should be a new five year term for a new government, and not a change of coalitions in the existing parliament which would allow a new administration just over two years to fix up the enormous mess created by the Gusmao government. That is the FRETILIN position,” said Mr Bano.

“The suco elections, our community leaders elections, held across the country last Friday show that the AMP parties’ votes have crashed. FRETILIN’s votes have soared back to the electoral support the party held before Mr Gusmao and his allies fomented splits in the army and the police, and organized gang violence around Dili. Mr. Gusmao split the country between east and west in a speech intended to incite violence, and which succeeded in doing so,” Bano said.

The provisional results announced by the National Elections Commissions of elected lists of candidates for suco and village heads, as well as community councils, confirms that lists made up of candidates where FRETILIN party local leaders, and who are well known to the community as being FRETILIN’s candidates amongst these communities, won over 56% of the positions nationwide and in Dili over 64%.

“However, in places like Fatobessi in the district of Ermera in the country’s east, formerly a stronghold of the Gusmao allied Democratic Party, they only managed to get 50 votes out of thousands.

“In fact in Ermera district as a whole, FRETILIN ticket cleaned up all positions winning 32 out of 52 sucos, whereas in 2007 we only got 10% of the votes. The dismay and despair amongst Mr Gusmao’s AMP MPs is palpable. They are very expressive of their discouragement with the results.

“Voters are tired of increasing official corruption, Ombudsman’s reports of Minister’s abuse of power and corruption, collusion and cronyism, including serious allegations against the Prime Minister and his deputy PM Guterres. Basic services are deteriorating all over the country. State schools have been closed since July and will remain closed until next year. Rural roads are worse than ever,” Bano said.

“Mr Gusmao’s already falling credibility as a leader plummeted further with his dubious performance during the censure motion debate this Monday. He was evasive and unconvincing when he tried to argue that Bere had not been released, but merely ‘transferred’ from one prison establishment to another, that is from Becora jail to the new prison establishment – the Indonesian Embassy!”

Belying Mr Pereira’s assertions that ‘all’s well’, Bano referred to the report by the UN Secretary General to the Security Council in which he said: “More time is required to ensure that the various efforts aimed at tackling the many political, institutional and socio-economic challenges facing the young nation of Timor-Leste are allowed to take root in democratic institutions and processes.” The report added “that the causes underlying the 2006 crisis, including the rising level of poverty, persistent unemployment, the lack of an effective land and property regime, and under-strength justice and security sectors, could still destabilize the country ... tensions in some communities remain and could lead to future local-level conflicts.”

Mr Bano was scathing of the PM’s claims about pensions it pays. “Firstly, this is FRETILIN policy enshrined in the Constitution by FRETILIN, whilst Mr. Gusmao's current Deputy Prime, Mario Carrascalao, Justice Minister Lucia Lobato, Agriculture Minister Mariano Sabino Lopes, Education Vice Minister Paulo Assis Belo all voted against it, as they all voted against the current Constitution in the Constituent Assembly. What they give in terms of these pensions to the elderly, US$240 per year, is a quarter of the housing and facilities allowance Ministers and other members of government get, over and above their salary of over US$900 per month. Then there is the 400% or more rise they just gave MPs this month,” Mr Bano said.

“When FRETILIN accepted government in 2002, the national budget was just US$83 million and relied mainly on donors. Today there are more and more voices saying that with only 20% of the annual budget which Mr Gusmao enjoys, FRETILIN was able to secure more in terms of basic goods and services, such as water and sanitation, electricity, health services, and education, which have all fallen off since August 2007,” Bano concluded.

For further information contact Arsenio Bano MP on +670 741 9505

East Timor Directory

Timor Leste Legal News 15 October 2009

Too early to produce amnesty law Suara Timor Lorosae 15 October 2009 MP Cecilio Caminha from the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) said it was too early for Timor-Leste to produce amnesty law because Timor-Leste just got its independence ten years ago.

ETLJB Ed: Only 10 years! Not long enough to bring the amnesty law into force? Too much constriction on President Horta's discretion to grant arbitrary amnesties without reference to criteria and standards entrenched in the law looks like a more plausible explanation.

Parliament to investigate Maubere Security Company director
- Radio Televisaun Timor Leste 15 October 2009 President of the Parliamentary Committee H for Youths, Sports and Employment, Antonio Cardoso said the Parliament would investigate the director for Security Company, due to he had sacked his employees recklessly and was without any due respect.

ETLJB Ed: Totally misunderstanding the concept of the separation of powers, or, knowing but wilfully disregarding them, the East Timor National Parliament embarks upon an unconstitional and undemocratic course of action that would be unthinkable anywhere but in the confused and unstable political structure of the post-independence Timorese state.


STNCD calls for Parliament to give them power Timor Post 15 October 2009 Steering National Committee for Dialog Consensus (STNCD) has called for the Parliament to give them legal power so that they could work independently to look at the CAVR’s report.

Public Prosecution could take PM Gusmao to court for trial: PUN Timor Post 15 October 2009 President for the National Unity Party (PUN) Fernanda Borges said the Public Prosecution had power to take Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao to the court for trial regarding his decision of releasing the ex-militia commander Maternus Bere.

ETLJB Ed: Recalling that the Prosecutor-General is former Fretilin power monger, Ana Pessoa, it will be interesting to see whether she decides to prosecute her old political enemies who some say have acted in violation of the Constitution and international law by releasing crimes against humanity suspect Marternus Bere.

The chief justice Claudio Ximenes has issued public statements threatening application of the criminal law if state officials acted illegally in releasing Bere. The problem with a judge making such public statements is that it is further evidence of the complete contempt for the principles of the rule of law and the separation of powers which has been demonstrated repeatedly by the Parliament, the Government, the President and the Chief Justice.


What possible hope does East Timor of resolving economic and social problems and achieving sustainable development while the rule of law and democratic principles emerge only as the exception rather than the norm
, one might ask?

State Secretary for Security has no proper plans Timor Post 15 October 2009 MP Rui Menezes from the Democratic Party (PD) said the remuneration for the Timorese National Police (PNTL) was late, because the State Secretary for Security had no proper plans for this issue.

14 October 2009

Impaktu Kazu Maternus Bere ba Sistema Judisiariu no Prinsipiu Estadu de Direitu Demokratiku iha Timor Leste

JSMP Dili Sétembru 2009 Introdusaun

Timor Leste nu’udar estadu soberania ne’ebe hakru’uk ka hamahan-an iha prinsipiu estadu de direitu demokrátiku, hanesan saida mak afirma iha Artigu 1 versikulu (1) no Artigu 2 versikulu (2) Konstituisaun Repúblika Demokrátiku Timor-Leste.

Nu’udar Nasaun ho baze Estadu de Direitu, pelomenuz iha elementu fundamentál balun ne’ebe sai mos nu’udar pra-kondisaun[1] principál atu bele reklama-an ka defini-an nu’udar Estadu de Direitu. Elementu nomos kondisaun hirak ne’e mak hanesan: protesaun ba direitu umanus; respeita ba prinsipiu séparasaun de poderes ; hala’o julgamentu kazu tuir lei (prinsipiu legalidade); hatur lei aas liu interesé sira séluk (supremasaun ba lei); rekoñesémentu ba egualidade perante da lei; no garante direitu umanus iha konstituisaun. Iha kontestu diskursu/wacana ne’e, nune’e direitu ba justisa nu’udar direitu fundamental ne’ebe nia realizasaun la bele ignora iha sirskunstansia saida deit ka ho razaun no argumentu saida deit. Tanba ne’e, implementasaun lei no justisa nu’udar objetivu principal husi estadu de direitu demokrátiku ida nian. Nune’e mos Estadu Repúblika Demokrátiku Timor Leste, direitu ba justisa nu’udar komitmentu koletiva ne’ebe nia realizasaun la bele hasés tiha hanesan ne’e (ignora) deit sa-tan politizadu tiha.

Iha realidade ita nian, nota katak Estadu Timor Leste ne’ebe bazeia ba lei ne’e, iha tendensia hatudu faktu ne’ebe kontrariu. Ho komprensaun séluk katak Estadu Timor Leste nu’udar Estadu de Direitu ne’ebe LA fo kastigu, Estadu de Direitu ne’ebe LA garante no defende lia los no justisa; Estadu de Direitu ne’ebe LA defende supremasaun lei, maibe Estadu de Direitu ne’ebe defende deit interesé poderes husi grupu balun, tanba deit inkonsistensia no la iha independensia husi orgaun judisiariu ne’ebe nu’udar mos orgaun soberania ida husi estrutura Estadu Repúblika Demokrátiku Timor Leste. Tendensia husi politiku no ukun nain sira ne’ebe hatoman-an liu halo intervensaun ba sérvisu judisiariu nian, implika ba destroisaun kuadru sira husi prinsipiu estadu de direitu, prinsipiu séparasaun de poderes no prinsipiu sira séluk kona-ba justisa ne’ebe estipula ona iha Konstituisaun da Repúblika nu’udar fontes ba kuadru legal ne’ebe ass liu iha nasaun ida ne’e.

Polemika Libertasaun Maternus Berê

Hanesan ita hotu komprende katak Maternus Berê nu’udar lider ida husi grupu milisia Laksaur ne’ebe ho area jurisdisaun operasional iha Suai-Covalima durante tinan 1999 nia laran. Iha fulan Fevereiru 2003, liu husi Unidade Krimi Todan ONU ne’ebe harí iha tinan 2001, hasai akuzasaun ho númeru kazu: Nu. 09/2003 nu’udar arguido principal hamutuk arguido sira séluk ne’ebe alegadu involve diretamente iha atake hasoru ema sivil/refuziadu ne’ebe ba buka hela protesaun iha Igreja Suai nian. Iha Unidade Krimi Todan ONU nia akuzasaun, haktuir katak hahalok Maternus Berê nian nu’udar krimi ne’ebe klasifikadu nu’udar krimi todan hasoru umanidade, omosidu, eliminasaun, halokon ema, tortura no tratamentu dezumanu, violasaun séksual, deportasaun no presékusaun obrigatoriu hasoru ema sivil.

Maske akuzasaun hasoru Maternus Berê iha relasaun ho insidente lubuk ida, maibe kazu koiñesidu liu mak masakre iha dia 6 Sétembru iha Igreja Suai. Tuir Unidade Krimi Todan ONU nian estimasaun ba ema ne’ebe mate tanba atake ne’e pelo menuz to’o 30 mai 200 inklui Amo Lulik nain tolu. Aleinde ne’e, iha ema barak mos hetan kanek todan tanba atake ne’e. (Kazu 09-2.003, alinea 228-237.)

Mandatu kapturasaun ida husi Interpol atu kaptura Maternus Berê hasai tina ona iha tinan 2003. Mandatu kapturasaun no pedidu ba ekstradisaun haruka ona ba autoridade polisial Indonesia nian, maibe la hetan resposta husi Indonesia tanba Indonesia ho Timor Leste séidauk estabelesé akordu bilateral kona-ba estradisaun. Berê foin kapturadu no detein iha xella polisia Suai iha loron 8 fulan Agostu 2009 wainhira nia halo vizita ba Suai.

Liu husi ordem juiz ida husi Tribunal Distrital Suai, Berê transfere mai iha Prizaun Becora atu hein julgamentu. Tuir informasaun ne’ebe anunsia iha publiku, iha loron 30 Agostu Ministru Estranzeiru Indonesia haruka telefoni ba Prezidente da Repúblika, DR. José Ramos Horta atu liberta Maternus Berê husi nia detensaun ne’ebe nia hala’o hela.

Desizaun hodi liberta arguido Maternus Berê ne’ebe diskonfia halo husi Primeru Ministru RDTL bazeia ba pedidu ka ordem husi Prezidente da RDTL iha loron 30 Agostu 2009, iha momentu sélebrasaun ba dala 10 referendum Timor Leste, husik hela polemika no pro-kontra husi entidades hot-hotu, tantu husi Parlamentu Nasional, Tribunal Rekursu, Igreja, sosiedade sivil, obsérvador lei, ativista direitu umanus no liu-liu familia vitima sira ne’ebe ligadu direita iha masakre 1999 nian.

Hare ba situasaun hirak ne’e, JSMP sénte iha interesé boot tebes atu hare klean liu kazu ne’e husi perspetiva lei, nia implikasaun ba sistema judisiariu iha futuru no nia impaktu liu tan ba ezistensia estadu de direitu ne’e rasik.

1. Konséitu Justisa

1.1 Justisa versaun ukun-nain sira

Husi perspetiva teoria nian, justisa kompriende nu’udar konsiderasaun no rezolusaun intelektual ida ba kualker konflitu ne’ebe hala’o husi ema séluk (terseira parte) ho laran malirin, simples, la inklinadu no la prejudika ema séluk[2]. Maibe esperensia no realidade Timor Leste nian hatudu katak, ukun-nain sira toman ka iha tendensia atu hare no hatur konséitu justisa husi perspetiva no aprosimasaun politika deit. Tendensia ne’e bele hare liu husi establesimentu Komisaun Verdade no Amizade Indonesia Timor Leste, perdaun nomos libertasaun ba autor no kondenadu krimi kontra umanidade iha tinan 1999 no krize 2006, no ikus liu kazu eis Komandante Laksaur Maternus Berê, ne’ebe hetan ordem husi tribunal kompetente atu simu no hala’o detensaun provizoriu hodi hein prosésu julgamentu tuir mai. Desizaun atu liberba Maternus Berê no esteitmentu politiku iha kada diskursu ofisial estadu nian relasiona ho peosésu balun ne’ebe séi lao hela, konsidera nu’udar intervensaun direta ka indereta ba prosésu justisa ne’ebe séi lao hela.

Idealismu rekonsiliasaun sai nu’udar razaun atu justifika aprosimasaun politik hirak ne’e, nune’e ignora tiha no hetok liu tan sakrifika tiha direitu no interesé vitima sira atu hetan justisa. Lideransa estadu nian kloka importansia husi qestaun relasun diplomatik entre Indonesia-Timor Leste ass liu, duque hatan ba interesé no direitu ba justisa hanesan saida mak haktuir iha Konstituisaun Repúblika Demokrátiku Timor Leste.

1.2 Justisa versaun vitima no familia vitima

Iha relatoriu ida ne’ebe mak publika foin lalais ne’e husi Amnestia Internasional ba loron sélebrasaun tinan 10 referendum nian iha loron 30 Agusto 2009, sira sita lian husi vitima sira ne’ebe séi luta hela atu hetan justisa ba krimi no violensia ne’ebe akontesé iha 1999. Tuir mai lian kompletu :

“Ami-nia laran triste no moris susar to’o ohin loron…wainhira oras marka tinan sanulu…laiha ema ida maka mai dehan mai ami iha ne’ebé ami nia fen, laen, oan, inan no aman, maun no bi’in sira ne’ebé ema oho ona… to’o wainhira loloos ami bele dehan amen tamba iha ona justisa no lia lo’os ba ami… dala ruma imi haluhan ona, maibé tenke iha justisa”

Vitima sira séluk mos espresa sira nia séntimentu hanesan tuir mai ne’e: : Hau nia esperansa ba Timor atu hetan futuru ida ne’ebé di’ak, maibé ho dame no justisa. Hau hanoin séi laiha justisa ba kriminozu sira ne’e, liu-liu ba jeneral sira ne’ebé uluk iha ne'e, sira ne’ebé agora dadaun aprezenta sira nia a’an hanesan kandidatu ba eleisaun iha Indonézia... Oinsa kuandu sira sai líder loron ida iha Indonézia? Sira bele ataka ami dala ida tan iha futuru.”Porta voz ba vítima sira, Anita Tilman dos Santos

Aprosimasaun politika ne’ebe kontinua kaer husi Estadu viola tiha ona no liu-liu kontra maioria vitima no familai vitima sira nia hakarak. Inprinsipiu, vitimainklui sira nia familia, la iha ida mak ignora ka la fo importansia ba rekonsiliasaun ne’ebe estadu halo. Maibe, tuir sira katak espirítu rekosiliasaun ne’ebe estadu lori ne’e tenke refleta ba prosésu justisa ne’ebe justu, transparente no kredivel. Maibe saida mak akontesé katak aprosimasaun ba rekonsialiasaun ne’e ho impresaun katak iha karakter dipaksakan husi Estadu. Situsaun ne’e aleinde hakat liu tiha prinsipiu sira lei nian, nune’e mos la kontribui buat ruma ba ita nia sistema justisa ne’ebe séi dezemvolve hela. Liu tan, aprosimasaun hanesan ne’e partikularmente hakribi tiha direitu vitima nian ba justisa. Aprosimasaun ne’e mos hatudu katak lian vitima nian la hatur nu’udar elementu no fator séntral ba determinasaun prosésu rekonsiliasaun ne’ebe estadu promove dadaun ne’e. Nia konsékuensia mak aprisimasaun hanesan ne’e so produz deit rekosilisaun politiku, la’os rekosiliasaun ne’ebe bazeia ba espirítu lei no justisa.

2. Komitmentu Estadu ba Justisa

Timor Leste infrente dezafiu no problema oi-oin ne’ebe komplexu iha kontestu obrigasaun no responsabilidade institusional atu fornesé no harí justisa. Aleinde limitasaun rekursu umanus iha sétor justisa, iha problema ne’ebe krusial liu mak komitmentu no boa vontade politika husi lideransa estadu ne’ebe kaer hela ukun. Inklui mos iha kontestu ne’e, konsénsia politiku nain sira atu bele no prontu kloka sira nia an hodi la bele tama ba area ne’ebe la’os halo parte husi sira nia nia jurisdisaun soberania. Iha ezemplu kazu lubuk ida ne’ebe bele sai fundamentu atu kestiona komitmentu Estadu nian atu fornesé no harí lei no justisa. Purzemplu, Kazu Violasaun Direitu Umanuz[3] ne’ebe akontesé antes, durante no depois de referendum iha tinan 1999, kazu dia 4 Dezembru 2002 ne’ebe nia prosésu lakon deit iha sistema laran (la iha prosésu kontinuasaun ba kazu ne’e), krize 2006,[4] no kazu atentadu 11 Feveruari 2008 ne’ebe séi prosésu hela. Kazu hirak ne’e sai lista naruk izame ida ba komitmentu estadu ho nia instituisaun judisiariu sira ne’ebe simu mandutu atu harí lei no justisa. Ne’e nu’udar esperansa koletiva ne’ebe ema hotu hein. Maibe ho realidade hirak ne’ebe ita infrenta, dalaruma ita la salah séi iha duvida ruma ka liutan la iha konfiansa ba sistema justisa ne’e ba oin.

3. Provizaun Konstitusional ne’ebe Garante kona-ba Justisa

Konstituisaun RDTL subliña prinsipiu oi-oin iha kontestu asésu[5], garante[6] no realizasaun kona-ba direitu ba justisa, hanesan saida mak nu’udar idealisme tuir espirítu nasaun ho baze estadu de direitu demokrátiku ida nian.

Provizaun Konstitusional ne’ebe garante kona-ba lei no justisa ne’ebe eksplisitamente (momos/klaru) bele hare iha artigu sira Konstituisaun da Repúblika Timor Leste nian. Tuir mai Artigu 2 Konstituisaun ne’ebe define kona-ba “Soberania no Konstitusionalidade, Artigu 6 Konstituisaun, kona-ba Objetivu Estadu Timor Leste, Artigu 16 Konstituisaun ne’ebe define kona-ba universalidade no igualidadedefine haktuir katak “sidadaun hot-hotu hanesan iha lei nia oin, iha direitu no hakru’uk ba obrigasaun ne’ebe hanesan…..”! Tuir mai iha Artigu 26 Konstituisaun ne’ebe garante kona-ba direitu atu “Asésu ba Tribunal” haktuir katak ema hot-hotu iha direitu atu ba tribunal atu defende sira nia direitu no intesére ne’ebe lei fó proteze ba.

4. Libertasaun Meternus Berê no Implikasaun Konstituisional no Lei Ordinariu sira Séluk

JSMP ho koidadu tebes obsérva katak kazu Libertasaun ba Maternus Berê, la’os deit qestaun kontraversiu ka nu’udar diskursu konsumu politiku bai-bain. Maibe kazu ne’e lori amiasa sériu ba dignidade no ezistensia Konstituisaun nu’udar Lei-Inan ne’ebe ass liu iha nasaun ne’e.

Tanba libertasaun ne’e, tuir JSMP la’os deit lori implikasaun negativu ba futuru sistema judisiariu, la’os deit ignora prinispiu séparasaun ba poder, maibe liu tan ida ne’e, kazu Maternus Berê lori implikasaun séluk ne’ebe grave liu no direitamente séi implka ba ezistensia kuadru Estadu de Direitu, valores demokrasia no direitu umanus ne’ebe ita séi dezemvolve hela.

Tuir mai artigus sira iha konstituisaun ne’ebe aleizadu no distorsiadu (dinodai) tiha tanba konsékuensia husi intervensaun ba kazu Maternus Berê.

a) Artigu 1 no 2 Konstituisaun RDTL ne’ebe defini katak Timor Leste nu’udar Estadu ida ne’ebe bazea ba prinsipiu Estadu de Direitu Demokrátiku, SOBERANIA, independente no unitariu, har’I husi povu nia hakarak …….!

Libertasaun ba Maternus Berê tanba deit ejijensia husi Ministru ida husi Indonesia Estranzeru nu’udar aktu ida ne’ebe empeña soberania estadu de direitu ba Indonesia. Nu’udar estadu soberania ida estadu tenke defende soberania no dignidade estadu iha estadu séluk nia oin.


b) Arigu 6 Konstituisaun RDTL defini kona-ba Objetivu Fundamental Estadu Repúblika Demokratika Timor Leste. Iha pontu balun husi artigu ne’e espesifikamente iha pontu a, b, no e defini katak objetivu Estadu Timor Leste nian mak inklui “…..defende no garante soberania estadu, garante no promove direitu no liberdade fundamental sidadaun sira no dignidade sira husi prinsipiu sira estad demokrátiku nian ne’ebe bazea ba kbit lei nian, garante no promove dezemvolvementu sosiedade ne’ebe bazeia ba justisa social, ho realizasaun properidade isin ho klamar sidadaun sira nian….” Libertasaun ba Maternus Berê dala ida-tan hafoer objetivu estadu ne’ebe loloos tenke defende iha situasaun saida deit.

c) Artigu 9 versikulu 1, 2, no 3 Konstituisaun RDTL defini katak sistema jurídiku Timor Leste séi aplika prinsipiu komún ka lei kustumariu internasional no lei internasional nu’udar parte integral husi sistem justisa formal Timor Leste nian. Refleta tuir klauzula ne’e, esforsu ka hahalok sira sira ne’ebe manifesta impedimentu ba prosésu kazu ho kategoria krimi hasoru direitu umanus no krimi ho skala internasional ne’ebe nia jurisdisaun inklui teritoriu estadu iha rai tomak, nu’udar ignoransia ba obrigasaun Timor Leste iha lei internasional nia okos.

d) Tuir mai, artigu 16 Konstituisaun RDTL defini katak “ sidadaun hot-hiotu hanesan iha lei nia oin no hakru’uk ba obrigasaun nee’be hanesan”. Baze filofia husi artigu ne’e haktuir mai katak ema hot-hotu tenke hetan tratamentu hanesan iha lei nia oin, la iha esépsuan tanba razaun saida deit. Signifika katak ema hot-hotu ne’ebe indikadu kometidu krimi ne’ebe tama iha jurisdisaun Timor Leste inklui Maternus Berê ne’ebe suspeita iha indikasaun forte no konkretamente komete krimi todan tuir alegasaun husi Unidade Krimi Todan/Graves ONU nian iha tinan 2003 tenke simu prosésu mos hanesan sira séluk. Provizaun ne’e fo biban ba ema hotu atu hamrik iha tribunal nia oin hodi defende sira nia direitu inklui direitu ba justisa ba sira ne’ebe sai vitima. Libertasaun ba Matenus Berê ingora tiha provizaun ne’e nia sintidu no impede vitima sira atu hetan justisa.

e) Artigu 26 Konstituisun RDTL defini direitu atu “ Asésu ba Tribunal” haktuir katak (ema hotu iha direitu atu ba tribunal no hodi defende sira nia interesé ne’ebe Lei proteze. Tribunal nu’udar unique instituisuan ne’ebe hetan mandatu atu fo justisa inklui atu proteze no rekopera fali sira ne’ebe nia direitu violadu. Relasiona ho kazu Maternus Berê, Estadu limita tiha direitu sidadaun hodi asésu no hetan justisa. Iha kondisaun sira hanesan ne’e, bele konsidera no konsiente katak Estadu involve komete krimi hasoru nia sidadaun rasik tanba impede nia sidadaun atu hetan justisa.


f) Pasal 69 Konstitusaun defini kona-ba “Prinsipiu Séparasaun de Poder”. Iha artigu ne’e haktuir katak orgaun soberania sira iha sira nia relasaun ba malu no wainhira hala’o sira nia knar, tenke tuir prinsipiu séperasaun no interindependesia kbit nian ne’ebe iha Lei-Inan nia laran.

Klausula husi artigu ne’e kloka liñabareira ne’ebe klaru tebes entre orgaun soberania ida ho sira séluk, ne’ebe defini katak entre orgaun soberania hirak ne’e loloos la bele tama ba area ne’ebe la halo parte iha nia jurisdisaun soberania ninian. Tanba, iha klausula ne’e la fo fatin ka hetok liu tan let ba orgaun soberania ida atu halo intervensia ba sérvisu ne’ebe sés husi nia mandatu. Iha konstetu kazu arguido Maternus Berê, desizaun atu liberta Maternus Berê nu’udar amiasa ida ne’ebe sériu ba instituisaun judisiariu ne’ebe mos nu’udar orgaun soberania ida estrutura Estadu Timor Leste nian. Hahalok ne’e la’os kumpriende deit nu’udar “ abuzu de poder” maibe liu-tan ida ne’e nu’udar invazaun ida ba kompetensia orgaun soberania sira séluk nian.

g) Aleinde ne’e, JSMP obsérva katak libertasun ba Maternus Berê mos sés an dok tiha husi Artigu 74 Konstituisaun. Iha Artigu 74 (1) Konstituisaun haktuir karak “ Prezidente Repúblika maka Xefe –Estadu, simbolu no garantedor independensia nasional no unidade nasional no aségura funsionamentu regular husi instituisaun demokrátiku sira. Tanba ida ne’e, libertasaun ba Maternus Berê nu’udar mos ignoransia ida ba obrigasaun konstitusional Prezidente da Repúblika hanesan saida mak konsagradu iha 74 (1) Konstituisaun.

h) Tuir mai, JSMP hanoin katak artigu ne’ebe la lakon nia relevansia no importansia hamutuk ho artigu sira séluk relasiona ho kazu Maternus Berê mak Artigu 77 Konstitusaun RDTL ne’ebe defini kona-ba juramentu husi Presidensial wainhira atu simu posé nu’udar Prezidente da Repúblika. Iha alinea 3 artigu ne’e haktuir katak wainhira Prezidente simu posé nia jura hodi dehan “ hua jura ba Maromak, ba Povu no ba hau nia onra katak hau séi halo tuir knar ne’ebe hau simu, HALO TUIR no HARUKA HALO TUIR LEI_INAN no LEI-OAN sira no fó hau nia kbit no kapasidade tomak atu tuba ne’ek no hametin ukun rasik an no unidade nasaun nian.

Kazu Meternus Berê ne’ebe diskonfia halo ka haruka atu liberta husi prizaun tanba deit pedidu ka ejijensia husi Indonesia, konkretamente prezidente viola rasik juramentu ne’ebe prezidente halo iha distintus Membru Parlamentu Nasional sira nia oin nu’udar reprezentante povu nian iha uma fukun. Hahalok ne’e mos hatudu inkonsistensia, ignoransia nomos abuzu ba juramentu no promesa ne’ebe promete ba Maromak, ba Povu no ba Prezidente Nia konsénsia rasik hodi tuba-netik no defende Konstituisaun nu’udar baze fundamentu ba distiñu Estadu ida nian. Hahalok ne’e mos konsidera hatudu ignoransia ba responsabilidade konstitusional Prezidente da Repúblika atu kaer metin ordem konstitusional iha qualqer sirskunstansia saida deit. Maske, la iha elementu ida iha nasaun ne’e mak la hasés ka la tau iha importansia hodi dezemvolve no hametin relasaun bilateral ne’ebe diak liu entre Timor Leste ho Indonesia, maibe JSMP nafatin konsistente atu bolu atensaun ba Estadu atu la empeña soberania estadu nian, la empeña sistema justisa ne’ebe séi iha faze dezemvovimentu nia laran, no la impe~na direitu povu Timor Leste nian ba hetan Justisa nu’udar direitu konstituisional, tan deit interesé politiku no rekonsiliasaun ne’ebe fohuk ka la iha isin. Maske ejijensia ba urgensia interesé Estadu nian oinsa-mos, maibe desizaun Estadu nian la bele lakon nia séntidu norma konstitusional ne’ebe establesidu iha konstituisaun laran ,

h) Nune’e mos artigu balun ne’ebe relevante tebes atu hare klean no elabora dook liu tan iha kazu Maternus Berê nian mak artigu sira ne’ebe relasaun ho kompetensia Prezidente da Repúblika no Primeru Ministru hanesan iha konstituisaun.

Sé ita hare dook liu tan, iha Artigu 85 no Artigu 115 ne’ebe ida-idak defini kona-ba kompetensia husi orgaun soberania rua ne’e, maske konstituisaun fo kompetensia ne’ebe boot/luan ba orgaun soberania rua ne’e, maibe kompentesia hirak ne’e la inklui kompetensia ne’ebe iha relasaun ho administrasaun justisa nian. Kompetensia ne’ebe konstituisaun fó mak to’o deit iha kompetensia politiku ne’ebe ligadu ho nomeasaun no fó posé ba Prezidente Tribunal Supremu ba Justisa/Rekursu, Prokurador Geral da Repúblika, pronunsia lei iha jurnal da repúblika, fó perdaun, halo veto ba lei sira ne’ebe hamosu kontraversiu ho konstituisaun. Nune’e mos kompetensia Primeru Ministru nu’udar Xefe de Governu.

Iha kazu Maternus Berê, hatudu katak Prezidente da Repúblika no hamutuk Primeru Ministru atua liu tiha limitasaun kompetensia konstitusional sira ida-idak nian.

i) Liu tan, iha Artigu 118 (1) Konstitusaun, defini katak Tribunal nu’udar orgaun soberania ne’ebe ho kompotensia atu ezersé justisa hodi no iha povu nia naran. Alinea 3 husi Artigu ne’e haktuir katak; “DESIZAUN NE’EBE TRIBUNAL SIRA FÓ ONA TENKE HALO TUIR DUNI TANBA SOI KBI’IT A’AS LIU DESIZAUN HUSI AUTORIDADE SIRA SÉLUK”…. ! Tuir mai, Artigu 119 Konstituisaun defini katak tribunal sira independente no sira séi halo tuir deit Lei-Inan no Lei-oan sia haruka.

Provizaun husi artigu rua ne’e klaramente subliña katak só tribunal deit mak iha kompetensia eskluzivu atu administra justisa no desizaun tribunal nian mak aas liu desizaun autoridade kompetente sira séluk. Tanba ne’e, maske desizaun tribunal nian keta sala karik mos, só tribunal ségundu instansia ka tribunal séluk ne’ebe aas loiu husi tribunal primeru mak iha kompetensia atu kurize hasoru desizaun refere, la’os husi Prezidente da Repúblika ka husi Primeru Minstru

Bazeia ba komprensaun hirak ne’e, aktu intervensaun ba kazu Berê husi Prezidente Repúblika bo PM konsidera halo okupasaun ka invazaun ba area jurisdisionál ne’ebe la halo parte ba sira nia jurisdisaun no aktu ne’e nu’udar aktu inkonstitusional tanba atua dook liu husi sira nia poder konstitusional ne’ebe sira iha.

J) Intervensaun ba Kazu Berê mos konsidera viola ona komitmen nasional estadu Timor Leste nian, tanba komitmentu atu lori kazu hirak ne’ebe indikadu nu’udar krimi kontra direitu umanus no krimi kontra umanidade tenke prosésa tuir mekanisme tribunal nasional ka internasional hanesan konsagradu ona iha artigu 160 no 163 Konstituisaun RDTL. Tanba ne’e, saida mak tribunal halo hasoru kasu Martenus Berê nu’udar asaun ne’ebe legal no konstitusional.

Embora Estadu Timor Leste prontu no iha kbiit instituisional no komitmen politiku ka lae atu estabelesé tribunal ba kazu violasaun direitu umanus “99”, JMSP nafatin konsisten atu defende prosésu ba kazu violasaun direitu umanus “99” tuir dalan konstitusional, durante séidauk iha amendamentu ruma ba Artigu 160 no 163 Konstituisaun. Ne’e la’os ambisaun ne’ebe mamuk ka laiha nia fundamentu, maibe atu hatudu kumprimentu no obidesémentu ba norma konstitusional no lei ordinariu aplikavel sira séluk. Pensamentu no vizaun ida ne’e mos atu ejije konsistensia no maturidade politiku husi governantes estadu nian katak só lei deit mak hetan fatin no pozisaun aas liu hotu husi interesé no elementu saida deit iha nasaun ne’e. JSMP mos ejiji atu governantes sira Estadu nian konsiente ho sira nia obrigasaun atu hakru’uk no hatudu kumprimentu ba lei hodi hatur lei aas liu sira nia interesé saida deit iha nasaun ne’e.

JSMP nota katak iha kazu Maternus Berê nian, Prezidente Repúblika no Primeru Ministru hatur sira nia an ass liu tiha konstituisaun. Ne’e nu’udar attitude politiku ne’ebe bele fo amiasa ba ezisntensia sustentabilidade Estadu nian iha tempu sira tuir mai..

Séin ignora dezafiu no difikulidade atu harí tribunal ho jurisdisaun nasional ka internasional ba kazu violasaun direitu umanus grave iha “99” nian, maibe hanesan ita konsiente no kumpriende hamutuk katak kazu sira violasaun direitu umanus nu’udar kazu ne’ebe ho jurisdisaun internasional. Tanba ne’e, responsabilidade atu prosékuta no fo kastigu ba autor sira la’os deit reponsabilidade individual Estadu ida nian, maibe nu’udar mos responsabilide universal husi komunidade internasional sira tomak. Ne’e nu’udar manifestasaun komitmentu universal kona-ba preukupasaun umanismu katak asuntu violasaun direitus umanus nu’udar qestaun ema hotu iha mundu rai-klaran.

k) Sé karik ita hotu konsistente atu fo fatin aas liu ba lei, nune’e, mak hanesan saida mak pozisaun Prezidente Tribunal Rekursu nian katak atuasaun ne’e viola mos artigu 245 Kodigu Penal Timor Leste. Artigu ne’e define katak “ema ne’ebe ho meiu ilegál liberta ema ne’ebé legalmente lakon tiha nia liberdade ka, ho meiu naran ida, tulun ema ne’e halai séi hetan pena prizaun tinan 2 to’o tinan 6.

Qestaun ita nian agora mak, Instituisaun Procurador Geral da Repúblika ho nia elementu tomak iha korazem institusional atu hahu prosésu investigasaun ba kazu ne’e ka lae? Procurador Geral da Repúblika prontu no bele ka lae atu hatudu nia responsabilidade tuir Artigu 132 (1) Konstituisaun ne’ebe defini katak : Ministeriu Publiku Reprezenta Estadu, hala’o asaun penal, hametin defeza ba labarik sira, ema ne’ebe laiha, inkapaz sira, DEFENDE LEGALIDADE DEMOKRÁTIKU NO PROMOVE BANATI TUIR LEI…..! Kazu Maternus Berê nu’udar ezame instituisional ida ba sira nia responsabilidade konstituisional ne’ebe fó ba sira.

5) Kazu Maternus Berê no Obrigasaun Timor Leste iha lei internasional nia okos

Iha provizaun lei internasional, krimi kontra umanidade hamutuk ho genosida, krimi funu, tortura, injeral klasifikadu ba saida mak sira hanaran: ius cogens, katak norma sira lei internasional nian ne’ebe la bele viola. Bazeia ba konséitu ne’e, maka hamosu vizaun ida katak provizaun ida ne’e fundamentu teb-tebes ba interesé komunidade internasional, nune’e abuzu ruma ba konséitu ne’e, séi lori implikasaun ne’ebe séi amiasa ba vida umanu sira ne’ebe simu internasionalmente iha mundu rai klaran. Tanba ne’e, aplika prinsipiu ida katak Estadu hot-hotu iha obrigasaun atu prevene no fo kastigu ba krimi sira hanesan ne’e.

Iha Artigu 9 no 23 Konstituisaun RDTL subliña komitmentu Timor Leste iha lei internasional nia okos atu promove kumprimentu universal atu, no hala’o tuir saida mak rekoiñe internasionalmente nu’udar direitu umanu no liberdade fundamental sira. Tuir Artigu 9 (2) Konstituisaun haktuir katak “norma sira ne’ebe mai husi konvensoins, tratadu no akordu internasional sira nia-laran vigora iha ordem railaran nian, wainhira hetan aprovasaun, ratifikasaun eh adezaun hósi orgaun kompetente ida-idak no wainhira publika tiha ona iha jurnál ofisiál……”!

Haktuir ba provizaun ne’e, desizaun ne’ebe halo hodi interfere no impede obrigasaun Timor Leste tuir lei internasional atu prosékuta no fó kastigu ba krimi sira genosida, tortura no krimi kontra umnidade nu’udar pratika ne’ebe inkonstitusional, tanba hatudu dezobidensimentu ba ordem konstitusional. Obrigasoins hirak ne’e, partikularmente suli mai husi:

1. Konvensaun kona-ba Prevensaun no Punisaun ba Krimi genosida, ne’ebe obriga Estadu

Parte sira, inklui Timor Leste atu prevene no fó kastigu ba krimi genosida.

2. Konvensaun Kontra Torturasaun no Tramentu Kruel no dezumanu ka Tratamentu ka

Punisaun, ne’ebe obriga Estadu Parte, inklui Timor Leste atu fo fatin ka posibiliza autor sira hetan kastigu ne’ebe apropriadu ho konsiderasaun ba nivel gravidade husi kazu ne’e rasik.

3. Konvensaun kona-ba direitu sivil no politika, iha nia Artigu 6 (3) afirma katak “ sé wainhira atuasaun ruma ne’ebe halakon ema nia vida nu’udar krimi genosida ne’ebe tenke kompriende katak la iha klauzula ida iha artigu ne’e, fo ba Estadu ne’ebe nu’udar Estadu Parte ba konvensaun ne’e, atu hamenus nia obrigasaun tuir konvensaun nia mandatu kona-ba prevensaun no fó kastigu ba krimi Genosida.

4. Estatuta Roma, kona-ba Tribunal Kriminal Internasional, ne’ebe rekoiñesé iha nia preambulu, katak Estadu Parte inklui Timor Leste, konkorda katak krimi todan sira ne’ebe sai nu’udar preukupasaun komunidade internasional la bela la hetan kastigu no prosékusaun ne’ebe efetivu tenke aségura duni ho medida sira iha nivel nasional nian.

Aleinde ne’e, iha mos rezolusaun Konséllu Séguransa ONU ne’ebe afirma pozisaun ONU nian katak nunka mais iha impunidade ba krimi genosida no krimi todan sira séluk ne’ebe akontesé iha Timor Leste durante periudu 1999 nian laran. Rezulusan hirak ne’e mak hanesan tuir mai ne’e:

1. Rezolusaun Konséllu Séguransa ONU; 1272 (1999) ne’ebe nota katak

“Deskobre séntiementu preukupasaun ba relatoriu ne’ebe hatudu violasaun ne’ebe sistematiku, nakloke luan, no dominante ba umanidade no lei direitu umanu internasional ne’ebe komete iha Timor Leste no subliña katak ema sira ne’ebe involvidu iha violasoins sira simu responsabilidade individu, no bolu atensaun ba parte hotu atu sérvisu hamutuk hodi halo investigasaun liu tan ba relatoriu ne’e;

2. Rezolusaun Konséllu Séguransa ONU 1338 (2001) ne’ebe haktuir katak;

Afirma nesésidade ne’ebe klaru ba rekomendasaun relatoriu Misaun Konséllu Séguransa hodi prepra pasu sira atu resolve limitasoins iha administrasaun justisa iha Timor Leste, liu-liu ho intensaun atu lori ba tribunal sira ne’ebe responsabiliza ba krimi sériu iha tinan 1999, no atu ejije atu asélera lalais treinamentu ba Polisia nasional Timor Leste no rekursu ne’ebe adequada atu dezemvolve sérvisu polisia iha tribunal.

3. Rezolusaun Konséllu Séguransa ONU, 1410 (2002) ne’ebe haktuir katak:

‘Simu ho kontente progresu sira ne’ebe hala’o atu resolve asuntu bilateral entre Indoensia ho Timor Leste ne’ebe séi pendente hela, no sublinha importansia kolaborasaun sérvisu entre estadu rua ho UNMISÉT iha aspeitu hot-hotu inklui atu implementa elementu relevante sira husi rezolusaun ida ne’e ka rezolusaun sira séluk, liu-liu atu sérvisu hamutuk hodi aségura agrimentu bilateral kona-ba asuntu demarkasaun ba linha fronteira, atu aségura mos katak sira ne’ebe responsavel iha krimi graves ne’ebe komite iha 1999 lori ba justisa; atu ajuda aségura repatriasaun ka reintegra fali refujiadu sira iha Indonesia, kontinua sérvisu hamutuk atu hakotu siklu atividade kriminal sira iha kualker forma, inklui husi elementu milisia sira iha fronteira”…

Bazeia ba rezolusoin Konséllu Séguransa hirak ne’e JSMP hanoin katak, desizaun governu Timor Leste atu liberta Maternus Berê, ignora tiha obrigasaun Estadu nu’udar Estadu Parte husi konvensaun ignora obrigasaun Estadu iha Rezolusaun Konséllu ONU nia okos, no ignora sénsébilidade publiku no liu-liu vitima sira ne’ebe simu no sofre diretamente akontesimentu violasaun diretu umanus atu hetan justisa. Nu’udar Estadu/Nasaun ne’ebe moris husi prosésu naruk no rezultadu solidaridade internasional liu husi rezolusaun sira Konséllu Séguransa ONU, loloos Estadu Timor Leste la meresé atu ingora nia obrigasaun nu’udar membru husi organizasaun ONU nian . Ignoransia no dezobidesimentu Timor Leste ba mekanismu internasional nu’udar hahalok ne’ebe hatudu dezapresiasaun ba nomos nu’udar traisaun ba solidaridade no kontribuisaun komunidade internasional ba independensia ne’ebe ita hetan husi involvimentu ativu komunidade internasional nian. Situasan ne’e, bele kria imagem negativu ba figura Estadu Timor Leste nian iha komunidade internasional sira nia oin.

7) Konkluzaun

JSMP hanoin katak impaktu husi inkonsistensia husi lideransa nasaun ne’e atu hakru’uk ba Konstituisaun RDTL no lei sira ne’ebe vigora iha Timor Leste, manifesta katak Estadu ignora tiha nia responsabilidade instituisional atu fo justisa ba nia sidadaun. Kondisaun ne’e bele kompriende katak Estadu kontribui atu promove impunidade, hamihis valores sagradu husi lei, no hamenus konfiansa publiku ba sistema judisiariu ne’ebe séi implika ba impotensia husi sintidu Estadu Direitu ne’e rasik. Konsékuensia liu tan husi situasaun ne’e mak séi hamihis konfiansa publiku ba instituisaun judisiariu sira no ikus mai séi kondisiona situasaun ne’ebe lei lakon nia kbiit social nu’udar instrumentu ne’ebe bele fo solusaun ba konflitu social. Situasaun hirak ne’e mos bele kontribui ba haburas konflitu horizontal entre komunidade no séi lori hikas fali ita ba situasaun ne’ebe tuir filosofu Thomas Hobbes nian dehan katak “Homo homini lupus”. Signifika katak sé mak forsa liu nia séi manan (sai vensédor) ka ho lia fun séluk povu séi halo justisa ho nia liman no ho nia konsénsia rasik (main hakim séndiri). Situasaun sira hanesan ne’e, barak ka oitoan lori influensia ba konfiasan publiku ba lejitimidade Estadu ne’ebe kaer ukun no pontensia ba instabilidede social séi nakloke luan liu atu akontesé.

Realidade ne’e mos lori hikas ita ba fali lembra hipoteza husi peritu no pensadores sira lei nian ne’ebe mai ho konkluzaun ida katak “Ita nunka mais hamrik no gava-an katak ita moris iha Estadu Demokrátiku no sivilizadu ida nia laran sé wainhira instituisaun judisiariu sira séi kontinua hetan intervensaun ka kahur ba malu, instituisaun judisiariu sira séidauk independente, no séidauk libre husi qualker pratika ruma ne’ebe bele interpreta nu’udar intervensaun politika ba sistema judisiariu. Tanba, ema hiotu konvensidu, katak unique pilar importante ne’ebe atu defende soberania Estadu de Direitu Demokrátiku mak instituisaun judisiariu ne’ebe hamrik metin, no libre husi qualqer aktu intervensaun politiku no husi sé deit.

Bazeai ba lista naruk qestaun konstitusional no obrigasaun Timor Leste iha lei internasional nia okos hanesan saida mak haktuir iha leten, JSMP hakarak konvida parte hotu atu ho rasional, laran mos, kakutak malirin no ho sénsibilidade intelektual, maturidade politiku hodi hare oinsa nia relasaun no implikasaun husi kazu Maternus Berê ba ita nia kuadru legal sistema judisiariu no Estadu de Diretu Demokrátiku ida ne’e? Séi relevante ka lae prinsipiu Estadu de Direitu Demokrátiku, prinsipiu Séparasaun de Poder, no prinsipiu independensia tribuinal séi kaer nafatin iha ita nia konstituisaun iha situasaun ne’ebe ita nunka bele konsistente atu implementa? Sé ita nafatin konkorda atu kaer metin nafatin, sa mak ita nia esforsu no kontribuisaun atu lori fila fali prinsipiu sira ne’e ba nia fatin…….? Hirak ne’e nu’udar qestoins nasional ne’ebe JSMP husi hela ba ita atu fo resposta no reséita politika no intelektual tuir ita ida-idak nia konsénsia rasik.


[1] Yos Johan Utama iha JSMP Justice Update; Periodu Jullu 2009

2 Erlyn Indarti, SH., MA, PhD, Quo Vadis Edukasaun Lei; Reflesaun ida ba Pradismu Foun Lei nian.”

3 Prosésu investigasaun Internasional ne’ebe harí liu husi Rezolusaun Komite Direitu Umanuz ONU, Nu. 1999/S-4/1, iha dia 27 Séptembru 1999, inklui atu deskobre akontesémentu violasaun direitu umanus iha Timor Leste. . Alinde ne’e, husi KOMNAS-HAM Indonesia hala’o tiha ona invetigasaun ne’ebe deskobre mos katak iha indikasaun violasauin sériu ba direitu umanus no krimi kontra umanidade iha krize 99 nia laran

4 Iha kazu rua mak hetan ona desizaun husi tribunal, maibe la konségue kumpri nia obrigasaun tanba hetan tiha perdaun husi Prezidente da Repúblika.

5 Artigu 26 Konstituisaun RDTL

6 Artigu 29 (3); 30 (1-4); 31 (1-6); 32 (1-4); 33 (1-3) no Artigu 34 (1-4) Konstitusaun RDTL;


Atu hetan informasaun kle’an favor kontaktu: Luis de Oliveira Sampaio Direitor Ezekutivu JSMP Enderesu email: luis@jsmp.minihub.org Landline: 3323883

-----

Dampak Kasus Maternus Bere Terhadap Sistem Peradilan dan Prinsip Negara Hukum Timor Leste

September 2009

Pengantar

Timor Leste sebagai sebuah negara yang berdaulat yang tunduk pada prinsip negara hukum demokratis, sebagaimana ditegaskan dalam Pasal 1 ayat (1) dan Pasal 2 ayat (2) Konstitusi Republik Demokratik Timor Leste.

Sebagai Negara hukum, paling tidak terdapat beberapa elemen-elemen mendasar yang sekaligus sebagai pra-syarat[7] utama untuk bisa diklaim sebagai Negara yang berdasarkan atas hukum. Elemen-elemen itu antara lain ; perlindungan terhadap hak asasi manusia; penghormatan terhadap prinsip pemisahan kekuasaan; peradilan berdasarkan peraturan-peraturan; pengakuan terhadap prinsip supremasi hukum; kedudukan yang sama di depan hukum; dan terjaminnya hak asasi manusia dalam konstitusi. Dalam wacana tersebut, maka hak untuk mendapatkan keadilan merupakan hak asasi yang paling mendasar dan fundamental yang perwujudannya tidak dapat diabaikan dalam keadaan apapun atau dengan alasan dan argumentasi apapun. Dengan demikian, penegakan hukum dan keadilan merupakan tujuan utama dari suatu negara hukum yang demokratis. Demikian halnya dengan Negara Republik Demokratik Timor Leste, hak akan keadilan merupakan sebuah komitmen kolektif yang pemenuhannya tidak bisa dikesampingkan apalagi dipolitisir

Realitas kita mencatat bahwa di Negara Timor Leste yang berdasarkan hukum ini cenderung menunjukan fakta sebaliknya. Dengan pemahaman lain, dapat dicermati secara terbalik, bahwa Timor Leste adalah negara hukum yang TIDAK menghukum, Negara hukum TIDAK menjamin dan menegakkan kebenaran dan keadilan, negara hukum yang TIDAK menegakan supremasi hukum, melainkan Negara hukum yang menegakan kepentingan kekuasaan kelompok tertentu, sebagai akibat dari inkonsistensi dan ketidakindependensian organ judisial selaku organ publik yang juga merupakan salah satu dari badan berdaulat dalam struktur Negara Republik Demokratik Timor Leste. Kecenderung para politikus dan pembesar negeri ini yang gemar melakukan intervensi berdampak pada kehancuran tatanan prinsip –prinsip Negara yang berdasarkan hukum, prinsip pemisahan kekuasan dan prinsip-prinsip-prinsip keadilan sebagaimana tertera dalam Konstitusi sebagai sumber hukum tertinggi di negara ini.

Polemik Pembebasan Maternus Berê

Sebagaimana umum diketahui bahwa, Maternus Berê adalah salah satu pimpinan kelompok milisi Laksaur yang beroperasi di Juridiksi Suai-Covalima pada tahun 1999. Pada bulan Februari 2003, melalui Unit Kejahatan Serius PBB yang didirikan di Timor Leste pada tahun 2001, telah mengeluarkan sebuah dakwaan dengan nomor perkara; No.09/2003 selaku terdakwa utama dari sekian banyaknya terdakwa lainnya yang diduga terlibat secara langsung atas penyerangan terhadap penduduk sipil/pengungsi yang sedang meminta perlidungan di Gereja Suai. Dalam dakwaan Unit Kejahatan Serius PBB, tindakan Maternus Bere merupakan tindakan kejahatan yang dikategorikan sebagai kejahatan berat terhadap kemanusiaan, yang meliputi; pembunuhan, pemusnahan, penghilangan paksa, penyiksaan dan perlakuan tidak manusiawi, pemerkosaan, deportasi dan persekusi paksa terhadap penduduk sipil.

Meskipun dakwaan terhadap Berê berhubungan dengan sejumlah insiden, namun yang paling terkenal berhubungan dengan pembantaian pada tanggal 6 September di gereja Suai. Menurut Unit Kejahatan Berat PBB, diperkirakan jumlah orang yang tewas dalam serangan tersebut berkisar antara 30 hingga 200 orang, termasuk tiga imam/pastor. Selain itu terdapat banyak orang lain yang terluka parah akibat serangan itu. (Kasus 09-2.003, ayat 228-237.)

Sebuah surat perintah penangkapan oleh Interpol untuk menangkap Martenus Berê juga dikelurkan pada tahun 2003. Surat permintaan untuk penangkapan dan ekstradisi telah dikirim ke pihak kepolisian Indonesia, namun tidak ada tanggapan oleh pemerintah Indonesia karena belum ada kesepakatan kerjasama bilateral antara dua negara. Berê baru kemudian ditangkap dan ditahan oleh polisi di Suai pada tanggal 8 Agustus 2009 ketika berkunjung ke Suai.

Melalui perintah dari seorang hakim di Pengadilan Distrik Suai, Berê dipindahkan ke Penjara Becora untuk menunggu persidangan selanjutnya. Menurut informasi yang beredar, pada tanggal 30 Agustus, menteri luar negeri Indonesia dilaporkan telah menelepon Presiden Republik, Jose Ramos Horta, untuk membebaskan Berê dalam tahanan yang tengah dijalani Bere.

Upaya pembebasan terdakwa Maternus Bere yang diduga dilakukan oleh Perdana Menteri RDTL atas permintaan atau perintah dari Presiden RDTL pada tanggal 30 Agustus 2009 pada saat perayaan referendum Timor Leste yang ke-10 tersebut, menyisakan polemik dan pro-kontra dari semua kalangan, baik dari Parlemen Nasional, Pengadilan Tinggi, Gereja, Masyarakat sipil, para pemerhati hukum, para pengiat HAM dan terutama para keluarga korban yang terkait langsung dalam peristiwa pembantaian 1999.

Mencermati realitas tersebut,JSMP, merasa sangat terpanggil untuk mencermati kasus tersebut dari perspektif hukum, implikasinya terhadap masa depan sistem peradilan kita dan dampak selanjutnya terhadap keberadaan sistem dan negara hukum secara holistik. .

1. Konsep Keadilan

1.3 Keadilan versi Para Penguasa

Dalam wacana teoritis keadilan dipahami sebagai sebuah pertimbangan dan resolusi intelektual bagi semua konflik yang dilaksanakan oleh pihak ketiga secara dingin, lugas, tidak berat sebelah, dan tanpa prasangka[8]. Namun,pengalaman dan realitas Timor Leste menunjukan bahwa para penguasa cenderung melihat dan menempatkan konsep keadilan hanya melalui perspektif atau pendekatan politik semata. Kecenderungan tersebut dapat kita lihat melalui pendirian Komisi Kebenaran dan Persahabatan antara Indonesia dan Timor Leste, pengampunan dan sekaligus pembebasan bagi para pelaku dan terpidana kejahatan berat pada tahun 1999, kasus krisis 2006 dan terakhir dalam kasus eks komandan LAKSAUR Maternus Bere, yang diperintahkan oleh pengadilan yang kompeten untuk menjalani penahanan sementara dan menunggu proses perkara selanjutnya. Upaya pembebasan terhadap Maternus Bere dan pernyataan politik yang disampaikan dalam setiap pidato resmi kenegaraan berhubungan dengan semua proses yang masih berlangsung, dianggap sebagai upaya campur tangan secara langsung maupun tidak langsung terhadap sebuah system peradilan sedang berlangsung.

Idealisme rekonsiliasi menjadi alasan untuk membenarkanpendekatan politik tersebut, sehingga mengabaikan dan bahkan mengorbankan hak dan kepentingan para korban untuk mendapatkan keadilan. Para pimpinan Negara lebih mementingkan kepentingan hubungan diplomatik antara Indonesia dan Timor Leste ketimbang menjawab kepentingan dan hak atas keadilan sebagai amanat konstitusional dan cerminan dari sebuah Negara yang berdasarkan atas hukum sebagaimana tertuang dalam Konstitusi Republik Demokratik Timor Leste.

1.4 Keadilan versi Korban dan Keluarga Korban

Dalam sebuah laporan yang dipublikasi baru-baru ini oleh Amesti Internasional untuk menyambut ulang tahun referendum Timor Leste yang ke-10 pada 30 Agustus 2009, mereka mengutip suara para korban yang masih terus berjuang untuk mendapatkan keadilan atas kejahatan dan kekerasan 1999. Berikut ini dalam kutipannya “Ami-nia laran triste no moris susar to’o ohin loron…wainhira oras marka tinan sanulu…laiha ema ida maka mai dehan mai ami iha ne’ebé ami nia fen, laen, oan, inan no aman, maun no bi’in sira ne’ebé ema oho ona… to’o wainhira loloos ami bele dehan amen tamba iha ona justisa no lia lo’os ba ami… dala ruma imi haluhan ona, maibé tenke iha justisa” (jiwa kami menangis dan menderita hingga hari ini……ketika waktu sudah memasuki sepuluh tahun……tidak satu orang pun datang dan memberitahu kami dimana istri, suami, anak, ibu, bapak, kakak dan adik yang telah dibunuh…..hingga kapan kami bisa mengamini semua ini karena sudah ada keadilan dan kebenaran atas dan untuk kasus kami…. barangkali kalian sudah melupakan semua ini….tetapi harus ada keadilan)’

Korban lainnya juga berekspresi bahwa : Hau nia esperansa ba Timor atu hetan futuru ida ne’ebé di’ak, maibé ho dame no justisa. Hau hanoin sei laiha justisa ba kriminozu sira ne’e, liu-liu ba jeneral sira ne’ebé uluk iha ne'e, sira ne’ebé agora dadaun aprezenta sira nia a’an hanesan kandidatu ba eleisaun iha Indonézia... Oinsa kuandu sira sai líder loron ida iha Indonézia? Sira bele ataka ami dala ida tan iha futuru.”

Porta voz ba vítima sira, Anita Tilman dos Santos… (saya mempunyai harapan agar Timor Leste di kemudian hari lebih baik, akan tetapi dengan damai dan keadilan. Menurut saya kalau tidak ada keadilan untuk para pelaku kejahatan, terlebih kepada para Jendral yang dulu di sini, yang sekarang mencalonkan diri menjadi presiden untuk pemilihan di Indonesia .........Bagaimana kalau mereka menjadi pemimpin di Indoensia? Ke depan, mereka bakal menyerang kami lagi? (Juru bicara untuk para Korban, Anita Tilman do Santos)

Pendekatan secara politik yang terus dikedepankan oleh Negara telah melanggar dan terutama bertentangan dengan keinginan mayoritas korban berikut keluarga mereka. Pada prinsipnya, para korban atau keluarga korban tidak mengabaikan pentingnya upaya rekonsiliasi yang diusung oleh pemerintah. Namun, menurut mereka bahwa semangat rekonsiliasi yang dicanangkan oleh pemerintah tersebut harus dilandasi dengan proses keadilan yang adil, transparan serta dapat dipercaya. Namun yang terjadi adalah pendekatan rekonsiliasi yang terkesan dipaksakan oleh pihak Negara. Situasi ini, selain telah melangkahi prinsip-prinsip hukum juga tidak berkontribusi sama sekali terhadap system hukum yang sedang dibangun. Lebih jauh, pendekatan tersebut terutama telah menghianati hak-hak korban atas keadilan. Pendekatan tersebut juga menunjukan bahwa suara dari para korban tidak diletakan sebagai elemen dan faktor sentral penentuan proses rekonsiliasi yang dikedepankan oleh Negara. Konsekuensinya, pendekatan tersebut hanya menghasilkan rekonsiliasi politik, bukan rekonsiliasi yang berbasis pada semangat hukum dan keadilan.

2. Kebijakan Politik serta Komitmen Negara terhadap Keadilan

Timor Leste menghadapi berbagai tantangan dan persoalan yang sangat serius dalam konteks kewajiban dan tanggungjawab institusionalnya untuk menyediakan dan menegakan keadilan. Selain keterbatasan sumber daya manusia dalam lingkungan judicial, ada permasalahan yang sangat krusial yakni komitmen dan kemauan politik dari para pemimpin Negara yang tengah berkuasa. Termasuk dalam hal ini, kesadaran para pemimpin untuk mampu dan sanggup menempatkan diri untuk tidak memasuki wilayah yang bukan termasuk dalam jurisdiksi kedaulatannya. Terdapat berbagai contoh kasus yang dapat dijadikan pijakan untuk mempertanyakan komitmen Negara dalam menyediakan dan menegakan hukum dan keadilan. Misalnya, Kasus Pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia[9] selama pra dan paska referendum tahun 1999, kasus tanggal 4 Desember 2002 yang prosesnya hilang dalam sistem itu sendiri (tidak adanya kelanjutan proses hukum), Krisis 2006[10] serta kasus penyerangan 11 Februari 2008 yang tengah dalam proses. Kasus-kasus tersebut, menjadi daftar panjang ujian terhadap komitmen Negara dengan institusi hukumnya yang dimandatkan untuk menegakan hukkum dan keadilan. Ini merupakan sebuah harapan kolektif yang dinantikan semua orang. Akan tetapi dengan berbagai kenyataan yang ada dan dihadapi oleh kita saat ini, barangkali tidak salah kalau masih ada keraguan atau bahkan ketidakpercayaan terhadap system judicial ke depan.

3. Konstitusi dan Jaminan terhadap Keadilan

Konstitusi RDTL mengarisbawahi berbagai prinsip dalam konteks akses[11], jaminan[12] serta realisasi[13] terhadap hak atas keadilan sebagaimana idealnya sebuah semangat negara hukum yang demokratis.,

Jaminan akan hukum dan keadilan tersebut dapat ditemukan baik secara eksplisit dalam pasal-pasal Konstitusi Republik Demokratik Timor Leste. Pasal 2 Konstitusi yang mengatur mengenai“Kedaulatan dan Kesesuaian dengan Konstitusi”, Pasal 6 Konstitusi yang mengatur mengenai “Tujuan Negara Timor Leste, Pasal 16 Konstitusi yang mengatur mengenai“Universalitas dan Persamaan” yang menyebutkan bahwa “Semua warga negara adalah sama di depan hukum, memiliki hak yang sama dan tunduk pada kewajiban yang sama. Selanjutnya dalam pasal 26 Konstitusi mengatur mengenai “Akses pada Pengadilan”. Dalam pasal ini menyebutkan bahwa “Akses pada pengadilan dijamin bagi setiap orang guna pembelaan akan hak dan kepentingannya yang dilindungi menurut hukum”. Jaminan-jaminan konstitusional ini tentunya tidak dipahami secara sempit hanya untuk salah satu pihak, sebagaimana lazimnya dipahami orang. Namun, akses pengadilan dan pemenuhan keadilan seharusnya diutamakan kepada para korban untuk mendapatkan keadilan karena hak dan kepentingan hukumnya telah dilanggar oleh para terdakwa.

4. Pembebasan Maternus Bere dan Dampaknya Terhadap Konstitusi dan Hukum Lainnya

JSMP secara cermat dan sangat hati-hati mengamati bahwa kasus Pembebasan Maternus Bere, bukan hanya persoalan beda pendapat atau sebagai wacana komsumsi politik biasa, namun kasus ini mengancam wibawa dan eksistensi Konstitusi sebagai sumber dari segala sumber hukum tertinggi di Negara ini.

Karena pembebasan ini, menurut JSMP bukan hanya membawa implikasi negatif pada masa depan penegakan hukum, bukan hanya pengabaian terhadap prinsip pemisahan kekuasaan, tetapi lebih dari itu, kasus ini , mempunyai implikasi lain lebih serius dan secara langsung akan mempengaruhi eksistensi tatanan Negara hukum, demokrasi dan nilai Hak Asasi Manusia yang sedang dibenahi.

Berikut ini adalah sejumlah pasal dalam konstitusi yang telah dicederai dan atau dinodai sebagai akibat dari intervensi terhadap kasus Maternus Bere.

a) Pasal 1 dan 2 dalam Konstitusi RDTL menentukan bahwa Timor Leste adalah sebuah

Negara yang berbasiskan pada Prinsip Negara Demokratis, BERDAULAT, merdeka dan bersatu, berdasarkan kekuatan hukum, keinginan rakyat dan kehormatan atas martabat manusia.

Pembebasan terhadap terdakwa Maternus Bere hanya karena atas desakan seorang Menteri Luar Negeri merupakan penggadaian kedaulatan negara hukum kita kepada pemerintah Indonesia., Sebagai sebuah Negara berdaulat, sepantasnya, Negara harus membela kedaulatan dan kerhormatan Negara dihadapan Negara lainnya.

b) Pasal 6 Konstitusi RDTL mengatur tentang Tujuan Dasar Negara Republik Demokratik Timor Leste. Dalam beberapa butirnya terutamabutir a, b, dan e menyebutkan bahwa tujuan Negara Timor Leste diantara termasuk untuk mempertahankan dan menjamin kedaulatan dari negara; menjamin dan memajukan hak dan kebebasan asasi warga negara serta kehormatan bagi asas-asas negara demokratis yang berdasarkan pada kekuatan hukum; menjamin dan memajukan pembangunan masyarakat yang berlandaskan keadilan social, dengan mewujudkan kesejahteraan lahir dan bathin warga negara. Pembebasan pada terdakwa Maternus Bere telah menodai tujuan dari Negara yang seharusnya dipertahankan dalam situasi apapun.

c) Pasal 9 ayat 1, 2, dan 3 Konstitusi RDTL menentukan bahwa sistem hukum Timor Leste akan menerapkan asas umum atau kebiasaan hukum internasional dan hukum internasional sebagai bagian integral dari system hukum Timor Leste. Dengan demikian, upaya penghalangan terhadap suatu kasus berkategori kejahatan terhadap HAM, dan kejahatan berskala internasional yang juridiksinya meliputi seluruh wilayah Negara merupakan pengabaian kewajiban Negara di bawah hukum internasional.

d) Selanjutnya, Pasal 16 Konstitusi RDTL mengatakan bahwa “semua warga negara adalah sama di depan hukum, memiliki hak yang sama dan tunduk pada kewajiban yang sama” Landasan filosofis dari pasal ini bahwa semua orang harus diperlakukan sama di depan hukum, tanpa pengecualian atas alasan apapun. Artinya bahwa semua orang yang terlibat dalam kejahatan yang masih termasuk dalam jurisdiksi Timor Leste termasuk Maternus Bere yang diduga kuat dan secara nyata telah melakukan tindak kejahatan berat berdasarkan tuntutan dari Unit Kejahatan Berat pada tahun 2003 harus diproses. Ketentuan ini memberikan kesempatan kepada semua pihak untuk tampil di hadapan pengadilan guna membela hak-haknya ternasuk hak atas keadilan bagi para korban. Pelepasan terhadap Bere merupakan pengabaian terhadap klausula ini dan juga menghalangi para korban untuk mendapatkan keadilan..

e) Pasal 26 Konstitusi RDTL menentukan hak atas “Akses Pada Pengadilan” (semua orang mempunyai hak untuk ke pengadilan dan untuk membela hak dan kepentingannya yang dilindungi menurut hukum. Pengadilan merupakan satu-satunya institusi yang diberi mandat untuk memberikan keadilan termasuk melindungi dan mengembalikan hak-hak yang telah dilanggar. Dalam kasus Bere, Negara telah membatasi hak warga Negara atas akses dan mendapatkan keadilan. Dalam keadaan seperti ini, Negara telah terlibat untuk melakukan kejahatan terhadap warga negaranya sendiri karena menghalangi warganya atas keadilan.

f) Pasal 69 Konstitusi RDTL mengatur mengenai Prinsip Pemisahan Kekuasaan” Dalam Pasal ini mengatakan bahwa“lembaga-lembaga kedaulatan negara mempunyai hubungan antara yang satu dengan yang lainnya, dan pada waktu menjalankan fungsi-fungsinya, harus tunduk pada asas pemisahan kekuasaan dan saling berketergantungan yang ditetapkan dalam Konstitusi”. Klausula pasal ini menarik garis batas yang jelas antara lembaga yang satu dengan yang lainnya, dalam artian bahwa antara para badan kedaulatan Negara seharusnya tidak memasuki wilayah yang bukan termasuk dalam jurisdiksi kedaulatannya. Karena dalam ketentuan ini tidak memberikan tempat bahkan celah kepada salah satu badan kedaulatan lainnya untuk mengintervensi pekerjaan yang di luar skop mandatnya. Dalam hubungannya dengan kasus terdakwa Maternus Bere, keputusan untuk membebaskan Maternus merupakan ancaman serius terhadap institusi judisial yang juga merupakan organ kedaulatan Negara. Tindakan ini tidak hanya dipahami selaku penyalahgunaan wewenang, tetapi lebih dari itu, merongrong wilayah kedaulatan badan berdaulat lainnya.

g) Selain itu, JSMP mencermati bahwa pembebasan yang dilakukan atau diperintahkan oleh Presiden Republik untuk dilakukan telah, menyimpang dengan Pasal 74 Konstitusi. Dalam Pasal 74 (1) Konstitusi menyebutkan bahwa “Presiden Republik adalah lambang dan penjamin kemerdekaan nasional, persatuan Negara dan menjamin institusi-institusi demokratik lainnya untuk menjalankan fungsi dan mandatnya sebagaimana mestinya. Oleh karena itu, pembebasan Maternus Bere juga merupakan pengabaian kewajiban konstitusional Presiden Republik sebagaimana diamanatkan dalam konstitusi

h) Selanjutnya, menurut JSMP bahwa pasal yang juga tidak kalah penting dan relevannya dalam kasus ini adalah Pasal 77 Konstitusi RDTL. Dalam salah satu ayat yang mengatur mengenai sumpah dan janji Presiden ketika dilantik selaku Presiden Republik menyebutkan bahwa ketika Presiden dilantik menjadi Presiden Republik Ia mengucapkan sumpah sebagai berikut:“saya bersumpah, demi Tuhan, demi rakyat dan demi kehormatan saya bahwa saya akan melaksanakan dengan setia fungsi-fungsi yang dipercayakan kepada saya, akan menaati dan menegakkan Konstitusi dan hukum serta mengabdikan seluruh tenaga dan pengetahuan saya untuk mempertahankan dan memantapkan kemerdekaan dan persatuan negara”.

Kasus Maternus Bere yang diduga dibebaskan atau diperintahkan untuk dibebaskan dari penjara oleh Presiden Republik hanya karena permintaan atau desakan dari Indonesia, secara nyata presiden telah melanggar sumpah resminya di depan Anggota Parlamen Nasional selaku wakil rakyat yang sah. Tindakan ini juga mencerminkan pengingkaran/pengabaian dan pelecehan atas janji setia Presiden kepada Tuhan, rakyat, Negara dan hati nuraninya sendiri, untuk membela dan mempertahankan konstitusi sebagai landasan kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Lebih lanjut, tindakan tersebut, telah mengabaikan tanggung jawab konstitusionalnya untuk mempertahan konstitusi. Sekalipun, semua warga Negara Timor Leste tidak mengabaikan pentingnya membangun dan membina hubungan baik antara Timor Leste dengan Indonesia, tetapi JSMP tetap konsisten untuk menyerukan kepada Negara untuk tidak menggadaikan kedaulatan Negara, sistem hukum yang masih dalam proses pembenahan dan hak-hak dasar rakyat Timor Leste atas keadilan sebagai hak-hak konstitusional mereka, hanya karena kepentingan politis dan rekonsiliasi yang semu. Apapun urgensi sebuah kepentingan Negara, keputusan harus tetap tidak menyimpang dari norma hukum dan konstitusi.

h) Beberapa pasal yang juga sangat relevan untuk dicermati dan dielaborasi lebih jauh dalam kasus Maternsu Bere adalah pasal-pasal yang berhubungan dengan kompetensi Presiden Republik dan Perdana Menteri sebagaimana dalam Konstitusi.

Jika dilihat lebih jauh, dalam Pasal 85 dan Pasal 115 yang masing-masing mengatur mengenai kompetensi dari kedua badan berdaulat ini, sekalipun konstitusi memberikan kewenangan yang sangat luas kepada keduanya, akan tetapi kompetensi tersebut tidak termasuk dalam wewenang yang berhubungan dengan administrasi peradilan. Kompentensi yang ada hanya terbatas pada wewenang politik yang terkait dengan penunjukan dan pengangkatan atau pelantikan Ketua Pengadilan Tinggi dan Jaksa Agung, mengumumkan undang-udang, memberikan pengampunan dan memveto undang-undang yang memunculkan kontraversi dengan Konstitusi. Demikian halnya kompetensi Perdana Menteri selaku kepala pemerintah.

Dalam kasus Maternus Bere, menunjukan bahwa Presiden Republik dan Perdana Menteri telah bertindak diluar batas kewenangan konstitusional mereka masing-masing.

i) Lebih lanjut, dalam Pasal 118 (1) Konstitusi menyebutkan bahwa Pengadilan merupakan sebuah badan berdaulat dengan wewenang untuk menjalankan keadilan atas nama rakyat. Ayat 3 pasal ini menyebutkan bahwa “PUTUSAN YANG DIKELUARKAN OLEH PENGADILAN HARUS DILAKSANAKAN DAN MEMPUNYAI KEKUATAN YANG LEBIH TINGGI DARI KEPUTUSAN BADAN BERDAULAT LAINNYA. Selanjutnya, dalam Pasal 119 Konstitusi menyebutkan bahwa Pengadilan adalah independen dan hanya tunduk pada Konstitusi dan undang-udang.

Kedua pasal ini secara jelas menegaskan bahwa hanya pengadilan yang mempunyai kompetensi eksklusif untuk urusan administrasi peradilan, dan keputusan pengadilan adalah keputusan yang paling tinggi dan berada di atas semua putusan pihak berwewenang apapun lainnya. Oleh karena itu walaupun keputusan pengadilan itu dianggap salah, hanya pengadilan yang lain atau pengadilan tingkat kedua atau pengadilan yang lebih tinggi kedudukannya yang mempunyai wewenang untuk melakukan koreksi terhadap keputusan tersebut, bukan oleh Presiden Republik atau Perdana Menteri.

Oleh karena itu, intervensi atas kasus Bere oleh Presiden Republik dan PM dinilai telah mencaplok atau menginvasi wilayah yang tidak termasuk dalam jurisdiksi mereka dan tindakan tersebut adalah inkonstitusional karena bertindak di luar lingkup kekuasaan Konstitusional mereka).


j) Intervensi atas kasus Bere tersebut juga dinilai melanggar komitmen nasional, karena komitmen untuk membawa kasus-kasus yang termasuk dalam kategori kasus pelanggaran HAM dan kejahatan terhadap kemanusian, harus diproses melalui pengadilan baik nasional maupun internasional sebagaimana telah dikukuhkan dalam Pasal 160 dan 163 Konstititusi RDTL. Dengan demikian, penangkapan dan penahanan yang dilakukan oleh pengadilan atas kasus Bere adalah legal dan konstitusional.

Terlepas dari sanggup dan mampu tidaknya Negara Timor Leste baik secara institusional dan komitmen politiknya untuk mendirikan sebuah pengadilan atas kejahatan kemanusian 99, JSMP tetap konsisten untuk tetap mempertahankan proses hukum terhadap para pelaku pelanggar HAM 1999, sepanjang belum ada amandemen terhadap Pasal 160 dan 163 Konstitusi. Ini bukan sebuah ambisi yang konyol, tetapi demi penghormatan dan kepatuhan terhadap norma konstitusi dan hukum yang berlaku. Pemikiran ini juga untuk menuntut konsistensi dan kedewasaan dalam menyelenggarakan Negara bahwa hanya hukum yang mempunyai kedudukan di atas segala kepentingan dan elemen apapun di Negara ini. JSMP juga mendesak, agar para penyelenggara Negara menyadari kewajibannya untuk tunduk dan menghormati hukum, dan menempatkan hukum di atas segala kepentingan mereka.

JSMP menilai bahwa dalam kasus Bere, Presiden Republik dan Perdana Menteri telah menempatkan diri mereka di atas atau lebih tinggi dari konstitusi. Ini merupakan prilaku politik yang mengancam keberlangsungan Negara di masa mendatang.

Tanpa mengesampingkan tantangan dan kesulitan untuk mendirikan sebuah pengadilan berjuridiksi nasional atau internasional atas kasus pelanggaran HAM berat, namun, sebagaimana dimaklumi bersama bahwa kasus-kasus kejahatan terhadap kemanusian merupakan kasus yang mempunyai jurisdiksi internasional. Oleh karena itu, tanggungjawab untuk mengadili dan menghukum para pelakunya bukan hanya tanggungjawab suatu Negara secara individu, melainkan tanggungjawab komunitas internasional, secara keseluruhan. Hal ini merupakan, manifestasi komitmen universal atas kepedulian umat manusia bahwa persoalan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia merupakan persoalan seluruh bangsa di dunia.

k) Jika kita, semua konsisten untuk mengedepan hukum, maka sebagaimana, sikap Ketua Pengadilan Tinggi bahwa tindakan tersebut telah melanggar Pasal 245 KUHP Timor Leste Pasal 245. Pasal tersebut menentukan bahwa “Barangsiapa dengan jalan atau cara illegal mengeluarkan seseorang dari proses hukum akan diproses dan dapat diancam pidana selama 2-6 tahun penjara.

Persoalannya kita sekarang, apakah institusi Kejaksaan Agung bersama jajarannya mempunyai keberanian institusional untuk memulai proses investigasi atas kasus tersebut? Dapat dan mampukah Kejaksaan Agung mempertanggungjawabkan mandat konstitusionalnya di bawah Pasal 132 (1) yang menegaskan bahwa; Kejaksaan bertanggungjawab untuk mewakili negara, mendakwa dan menjamin pembelaan kalangan usia muda, para warga negara yang cacat, membela keabsahan demokratis dan memajukan penegakan hukum. Kasus Maternus Berê merupakan sebuah ujian institusional atas tanggungjawab konstitusional mereka.

5) Kasus Maternus Berê dan Kewajiban Timor Leste di bawah hukum internasional

Dalam ketentuan hukum Internasional, kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan bersama dengan genoside, kejahatan dalam peperangan, dan penyiksaan, secara umum digolongkan dalam apa yang disebut oleha masyarakatg internasional sebagai ius cogens, yaitu norma hukum Internasional yang tidak boleh dilanggar.. Dasar dari konsep ius cogens berpandangan bahwa ketentuan ini sangat mendasar bagi kepentingan komunitas internasional sehingga penyimpangan terhadapnya berarti mengancam tatanan kehidupan internasional itu sendiri. Oleh karena itu, berlaku prinsip bahwa semua negara mempunyai kewajiban untuk mencegah dan menghukum kejahatan-kejahatan tersebut.

Di bawah Pasal 9 dan 23 Konstitusi Timor-Leste menegaskan komitmen Timor Leste di bawah hukum internasional untuk mempromosikan penghormatan universal untuk, dan pelaksanaan, yang diakui secara internasional mengenai hak asasi manusia dan kebebasan asasi. Menurut Pasal 9 (2) Konstitusi kita menyebutkan bahwa aturan yang diatur dalam konvensi internasional, perjanjian dan kesepakatan memiliki kekuatan penuh sebagai hukum dalam sistem hukum nasional Timor Leste. Berdasarkan bagian-bagian ini, keputusan yang mengintervensi dan menghambat kewajiban Timor Leste di bawah hukum internasional untuk mengejar dan mengadili genosida, penyiksaan dan kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan merupakan tindakan yang tidak konstitusional. Kewajiban ini terutama mengalir dari konvensi-konvensi berikut ini:
1. Konvensi tentang Pencegahan dan Penghukuman Kejahatan Genosida, yang

mewajibkan Negara Pihak, termasuk Timor Leste, untuk 'mencegah dan menghukum' kejahatan genosida.

2. Konvensi Menentang Penyiksaan dan Lain yang Kejam, tidak manusiawi atau

Perlakuan atau Penghukuman, yang mewajibkan Negara Pihak, termasuk Timor Leste untuk memungkinkan para pelakunya dapat dihukum dengan hukuman yang tepat dengan mempertimbangkan tingkat keseriusannya".

3. Konvenan mengenai hak-hak sipil dan politik pasal 6 ayat 3 menegaskan; “Apabila suatu perampasan kehidupan merupakan kejahatan genosida yang harus dipahami bahwa tidak satu pun dalam pasal ini yang memberikan pada negara yang menjadi pihak dalam konvenan ini, untuk mengurangi kewajiban apapun yang telah dibebankan oleh ketentuan dalam konvenan ini tentang pencegahan dan hukuman bagi kejahatan Genosida”

4. Statuta Roma tentang Pengadilan Pidana Internasional, yang mengakui dalam

mukadimah Negara Pihak, termasuk Timor Leste, sepakat bahwa "kejahatan yang paling serius yang menjadi perhatian masyarakat internasional secara keseluruhan tidak boleh tidak harus dihukum dan bahwa penuntutan yang efektif harus dipastikan dengan mengambil langkah-langkah di tingkat nasional

Selain itu, terdapat juga beberapa resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB yang menegaskan posisi PBB bahwa tidak akan ada impunitas bagi genosida dan kejahatan berat lainnya di Timor Leste:

1. Resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB 1272 (1999) di mana Dewan memposisikan diri sebagai berikut: bahwa

“Mengungkapkan keprihatinannya pada laporan yang menunjukkan pelanggaran yang sistematis, meluas dan mencolok atas kemanusiaan dan hukum hak asasi manusia telah dilakukan di Timor Timur, dan menekankan bahwa orang-orang yang melakukan pelanggaran-pelanggaran tersebut memikul tanggung jawab individu, dan menyerukan kepada semua pihak untuk bekerja sama dengan penyelidikan atas laporan tersebut;
2. Resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB 1338 (2001)yang mengespresikan bahwa:

Menekankan kebutuhan yang jelas dalam rekomendasi laporan Misi Dewan Keamanan untuk mempersiapkan langkah-langkah untuk mengatasi kekurangan dalam administrasi peradilan di Timor Timur, khususnya dengan maksud untuk membawa ke pengadilan mereka yang bertanggungjawab atas kejahatan serius pada tahun 1999, dan untuk mendesak tindakan untuk mempercepat pelatihan untuk Polisi Nasional Timor Lorosae dan sumber daya yang cukup untuk mengembangkan pelayanan polisi dan sistem peradilan;

3. Resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB 1410 (2002)yang juga menekankan bahwa;
Menyambut baik kemajuan yang dicapai dalam menyelesaikan isu bilateral yang tertunda antara Indonesia dan Timor Timur, dan menekankan pentingnya kerja sama antara kedua Pemerintah, serta kerjasama dengan UNMISET, dalam segala aspek, termasuk dalam pelaksanaan unsur-unsur yang relevan ini dan resolusi lain , khususnya dengan bekerja sama untuk mengamankan persetujuan mengenai masalah demarkasi perbatasan, dan memastikan bahwa mereka yang bertanggung jawab atas kejahatan serius pada tahun 1999 dibawa ke pengadilan, dengan membantu memastikan pemulangan atau pemukiman kembali pengungsi saat ini di Indonesia dan dengan terus bekerja sama untuk mengekang kegiatan kriminal, dalam segala bentuk, termasuk oleh milisi di perbatasan.


Mengacu kepada resolusi-resolusi Dewan Keamanan tersebut, JSMP berpandangan bahwa, keputusan pemerintah Timor Leste untuk membebaskan Maternus Bere, telah mengabaikan kewajiban Negara selaku Negara Peserta dalam konvensi, mengabaikan kewajiban Negara di bawah resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB, dan mengabaikan sensibilitas publik dan terutama para korban yang mengalami secara langsung peristiwa kekerasan kemanusiaan untuk mendapatkan keadilan. Sebagai Negara yang lahir dari proses panjang dan hasil dari solidaritas internasional melalui resolusi-resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB, seharusnya Timor Leste tidak bisa begitu saja mengabaikan kewajibannya untuk tunduk kepada resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB selaku Negara anggota PBB. Pengabaian Timor Lest atas mekanisme internasional, mencerminkan prilaku yang meminimalisir dan sekaligus penghianatan atas solidaritas dan kontribusi masyarakat dunia atas kemerdekaan yang diperoleh sebagai hasil keterlibatan aktif dunia.

7) Kesimpulan

JSMP berpendapat bahwa dampak inkonsistensi dari para pemimpin Negara untuk tunduk kepada Konstitusi RDTL dan hukum yang berlaku di Timor Leste, Negara telah mengabaikan tanggungjawab institusionalnya untuk memberikan keadilan kepada warga negaranya. Lebih lanjut, Negara telah berkontribusi untuk melestarikan impunitas, mengurangi nilai sakral dari hukum, serta mengurangi kepercayaan masyarakat akan system hukum yang akan berdampak pada impotensi Negara hukum. Situasi ini juga selanjutnya tidak diragukan akan mengurangi kepercayaan publik terhadap institusi hukum dan akhirnya akan mengkondisikan situasi dimana hukum tidak berdaya dan kehilangan pontensi kontrolnya selaku instrument social untuk memecahkan konflik social yang terjadi di tengah masyarakat. Situasi seperti ini akan berlanjut dan berkontribusi untuk melahirkan dan melestarikan konflik horizontal dan berlakulah hukum versi Thomas Hobbes, yakni “Homo homonim lupus”,; siapa yang kuat dia akan menang atau dalam bahasa sederhananya “main hakim sendiri”. Situasi sepertinya ini sedikit banyak akan mempengaruhi kepercayaan publik atas legitimasi terhadap Negara dan potensi untuk instabilitas akan sangat berpeluang atau sangat besar kemungkinannya.

Realitas ini membawa kita kembali pada sebuah hipotesis dari para ahli hukum/pemikir hukum berkesimpulan bahwa : Kita tidak bisa dengan sederhananya mengklaim dan membanggakan diri sebauh sebuah neagra hukum yang demokratis dan beradab, apabila institusi hukum kita masih terus dicampuri urusannya, institusi hukum masih belum independen, dan maih belum bebas dari segala bentuk praktek yang bisa diterjemahkan sebagai praktek intervensi/campur tangan terhadap sebuah proses hukum.. Karena kita semua meyakini bahwa satu-satunya pilar terpenting untuk melindungi kedaulatan Negara hukum yang demokratis adalah adanya suatu institusi judicial yang berdiri tegak, bebas dari segala bentuk intervensi apapun dan dari siapa saja.

Mengacu kepada daftar panjang persoalan Konstitusional dan kewajiban Timor Leste di bawah hukum internasional sebagaimana diuraikan di atas, JSMP ingin mengajak semua pihak untuk secara rasional dan dengan kecerdasan dan kedewasaan politik untuk melihat secara jernih seberapa jauh hubungan dan implikasi dari kasus Bere terhadap tatanan Negara hukum yang kita banggakan? Bagaimana implikasinya terhadap kelangsungan dan keberadaan Negara hukum yang demokratis ini? Masih relevankah prinsip Negara hukum demokratis, prinsip pemisahan kekuasaan dan prinsip independensi pengadilan dipertahankan dalam konstitusi ketika kita tidak pernah bisa konstisten untuk melaksanakannya? Jika kita tetap sepakat untuk mempertahankannya, apa upaya dan kontribusi kita untuk mengembalikannya prinsip-prinsip tersebut kepada keadaan semula? Kesemuanya ini merupakan persoalan-persoalan nasional dan JSMP sengaja membiarkan agar setiap orang dengan bebas memberikan dan memaknai situasi ini dari perspektifnya masing-masing dengan jawaban dan diagosa politik dan intelektual sesuai dengan hati nuraninya.

[1] Yos Johan Utama dalam JSMP justice up date; periode Juli 2009

2 Erlyn Indarti, SH., MA, PhD, Quo Vadis Pendidikan hukum; Suatu Perenungan bagi Pradigma Baru Hukum.”

3 Proses Investigasi Internasional yang mana didirikan melalui Resolusi Komite Hak Assasi Manusia PBB No. 1999/S-4/1, tanggal 27 September 1999, termasuk untuk menemukan bahwa kejadian Kejahatan terhadap Hak Assasi Manusia di Timor Leste. Juga sebelumnya oleh KOMNAS-HAM Indonesia telah melakukan proses penyelidikan/investigadi dengan mengungkapkan juga bahwa ada indikasi kuat terhadap pelanggaran HAM dan Kejahatan terhadap Kemanusiaan selama krisis 1999.

4Ada dua kasus yang telah mendapatkan hukuman, namun tidak memenuhi perintah pengadilan karena mendapatkan pengampunan dari Presiden Republik

5 Pasal 26 Konstitusi RDTL

6 Pasal 29 (3); 30 (1-4); 31 (1-6); 32 (1-4); 33 (1-3) dan Pasal 34 (1-4) dari Konstitusi RDTL;

7 Pasal 6 alinea (e) Konstitusi RDTL


Untuk informasi lebih lanjut hubungi: Luis de Oliveira Sampaio Direktur Eksekutif JSMP
Alamat e – mail: luis@jsmp.minihub.org Landline: 3323883



This article was sent to you by the Judicial System Monitoring Programme (JSMP). Through the provision of independent legal analysis, court monitoring and community outreach activities JSMP aims to contribute to and evaluate the ongoing process of building a strong and sustainable justice system in Timor Leste. Visit our website at http://www.jsmp.minihub.org

JSMP does not guarantee the content or endorse the views contained in articles distributed the list other than in respect of those publications prepared by JSMP itself

To subscribe send a blank email to:
list-subscribe@jsmp.minihub.org (Daily News and JSMP Publications)
jsmpreports-subscribe@jsmp.minihub.org (JSMP Reports)
justiceupdate-subscribe@jsmp.minihub.org (JSMP Justice Updates)
media-subscribe@jsmp.minihub.org (JSMP Press Releases)



For more information, please refer to our website: Se ita boot preciza informasaun tan, favor ida haree JSMP nia website: http://www.jsmp.minihub.org


[1] Yos Johan Utama iha JSMP Justice Update; Periodu Jullu 2009

[2] Erlyn Indarti, SH., MA, PhD, Quo Vadis Edukasaun Lei; Reflesaun ida ba Pradismu Foun Lei nian.”

[3] Prosésu investigasaun Internasional ne’ebe harí liu husi Rezolusaun Komite Direitu Umanuz ONU, Nu. 1999/S-4/1, iha dia 27 Séptembru 1999, inklui atu deskobre akontesémentu violasaun direitu umanus iha Timor Leste. . Alinde ne’e, husi KOMNAS-HAM Indonesia hala’o tiha ona invetigasaun ne’ebe deskobre mos katak iha indikasaun violasauin sériu ba direitu umanus no krimi kontra umanidade iha krize 99 nia laran

[4] Iha kazu rua mak hetan ona desizaun husi tribunal, maibe la konségue kumpri nia obrigasaun tanba hetan tiha perdaun husi Prezidente da Repúblika.

[5] Artigu 26 Konstituisaun RDTL

[6] Artigu 29 (3); 30 (1-4); 31 (1-6); 32 (1-4); 33 (1-3) no Artigu 34 (1-4) Konstitusaun RDTL;

[7] Yos Johan Utama dalam JSMP justice up date; periode Juli 2009

[8] Erlyn Indarti, SH., MA, PhD, Quo Vadis Pendidikan hukum; Suatu Perenungan bagi Pradigma Baru Hukum.”

[9] Proses Investigasi Internasional yang mana didirikan melalui Resolusi Komite Hak Assasi Manusia PBB No. 1999/S-4/1, tanggal 27 September 1999, termasuk untuk menemukan bahwa kejadian Kejahatan terhadap Hak Assasi Manusia di Timor Leste. Juga sebelumnya oleh KOMNAS-HAM Indonesia telah melakukan proses penyelidikan/investigadi dengan mengungkapkan juga bahwa ada indikasi kuat terhadap pelanggaran HAM dan Kejahatan terhadap Kemanusiaan selama krisis 1999.

[10]Ada dua kasus yang telah mendapatkan hukuman, namun tidak memenuhi perintah pengadilan karena mendapatkan pengampunan dari Presiden Republik

[11] Pasal 26 Konstitusi RDTL

[12] Pasal 29 (3); 30 (1-4); 31 (1-6); 32 (1-4); 33 (1-3) dan Pasal 34 (1-4) dari Konstitusi RDTL;

[13] Pasal 6 alinea (e) Konstitusi RDTL
Related Posts Plugin for WordPress, Blogger...